Translated from Philip Schaff's History of The Christian Church

第十章 孟他努主义

目录

§ 109. 文献

§ 110. 孟他努主义的外部历史

§ 111. 孟他努主义的性质与主张

§ 109. 文献

史料：

孟他努 (Montanus)、普里斯卡 (Prisca，或普里斯基拉，Priscilla) 和马克西米拉 (Maximilla) 的先知言论，散见于德尔图良 (Tertullian) 及其他作家的著作中，由F. 明特 (F. Münter) 辑录于《孟他努派的言论与神谕》(Effata et Oracula Montanistarum，哥本哈根〔Hafniae〕，1829年)，又由邦韦奇 (Bonwetsch) 辑录于其《孟他努主义史》(Gesch. des Mont.)，第197–200页。

德尔图良公元201年以后的著作是主要史料，尤其是《论军人的冠冕》(De Corona Militis)、《论逼迫中的逃避》(De Fuga in Persec.)、《论妇女的服饰》(De Cult. Feminarum)、《论童女蒙头》(De Virg. Velandis)、《劝守贞洁》(De Exhort. Castitatis)、《论一婚制》(De Monogamia)、《论乐园》(De Paradiso)、《论禁食》(De Jejuniis)、《论贞洁》(De Pudicitia)、《论观剧》(De Spectaculis)、《论信徒的盼望》(De Spe Fidelium)。哲罗姆 (Jerome) 提及的七卷《论出神》(On Ecstasy) 已经散佚。在他后期反异端的著作（《驳马吉安》〔Adv. Marcionem〕、《驳瓦伦廷》〔Adv. Valentin.〕、《驳普拉克西阿》〔Adv. Praxean〕、《论灵魂》〔De Anima〕、《论肉身复活》〔De Resurr. Carnis〕）中，德尔图良偶尔提到圣灵的新安排。关于其著作的年代，参见乌尔霍恩 (Uhlhorn)：《德尔图良著作年代学基础》(Fundamenta chronologiae Tertullianeae，哥廷根〔Gött.〕，1852年)；邦韦奇：《德尔图良著作的写作年代》(Die Schriften Tertullians nach der Zeit ihrer Abfassung，波恩〔Bonn〕，1878年)；以及哈纳克 (Harnack) 载于布里格尔 (Brieger) 主编的《教会史杂志》(Zeitschrift für K. gesch.) 第11号的文章。

爱任纽 (Irenaeus)：《驳异端》(Adv. Haer.)，III. 11, 9；IV. 33, 6和7。（这些段落是否指孟他努主义，尚有些疑问。）优西比乌 (Eusebius)：《教会史》(H. E.)，V. 3。埃皮法尼乌 (Epipan.)：《异端》(Haer.)，48和49。

希拉波立的阿波利拿里乌 (Apolinarius〔Apollinaris〕of Hierapolis)、撒狄的米利托 (Melito of Sardes)、米尔提亚德 (Miltiades，περὶ τοῦ μὴ δεῖν προφήτην ἐν ἐκστάσει λαλεῖν^*)、阿波罗尼乌 (Apollonius)、塞拉皮翁 (Serapion)、盖乌斯 (Gaius)，以及优西比乌所引的一位佚名作者，其反孟他努派著作均已散佚。关于史料，比较索伊尔 (Soyres)，前引书（l.c.），第3–24页；邦韦奇，前引书（l c.），第16–55页。

研究著作：

特奥夫·韦恩斯多夫 (Theoph. Wernsdorf)：《论第二世纪通常被视为异端的孟他努派》(Commentatio de Montanistis Saeculi II. vulgo creditis haereticis)。但泽 (Dantzig)，1781年。此书为孟他努主义辩护，认为它与初期教会的教义实质上一致，所受的定罪并不公正。莫斯海姆 (Mosheim) 虽不赞同，却对此书给予好评；索伊尔也是如此。阿诺德 (Arnold) 此前已在其《教会与异端史》(Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie) 中支持孟他努主义。

莫斯海姆 (Mosheim)：《君士坦丁大帝以前的基督教史事》(De Rebus Christ. ante Const. M.)，第410–425页（默多克〔Murdock〕译本，卷I，第501–512页）。

瓦尔希 (Walch)：《异端史》(Ketzerhistorie)，卷I，第611–666页。

基尔希纳 (Kirchner)：《论孟他努派》(De Montanistis)。耶拿 (Jenae)，1832年。

尼安德 (Neander)：《反诺斯替者，或德尔图良著作的精神》(Antignosticus oder Geist aus Tertullian’s Schriften)。柏林，1825年（第2版，1847年）；以及其《教会史》(Kirchengesch.) 第二版，1843年，卷II，第877–908页（托里〔Torrey〕译本，波士顿版，卷I，第506–526页）。尼安德首先从哲学上对孟他努主义作出冷静而公允的考察，将它看作与唯心主义的诺斯替主义相对立的实在主义一极。

A. 施韦格勒 (A. Schwegler)：《孟他努主义与第二世纪的基督教会》(Der Montanismus und die christl. Kirche des 2^ten Jahrh.)。图宾根 (Tüb.)，1841年。比较其《后使徒时期》(Nach-Apost. Zeitalter，图宾根，1846年)。此书本着图宾根学派的精神，以哲学的先验方法构筑历史，构思极为巧妙。施韦格勒否认孟他努这个历史人物的存在，错误地认为这一体系源于伊便尼主义 (Ebionism)，并将其本质归结为保惠师的教义，以及由保惠师所开创的新的超自然启示时代。格奥尔吉 (GEORGII) 曾撰文反驳，载于1842年《德国科学与艺术年鉴》(Deutsche Jahrbücher für Wissenschaft und Kunst)。

希尔根费尔德 (Hilgenfeld)：《古代教会的说方言现象》(Die Glossolalie in der alten Kirche)。莱比锡 (Leipz.)，1850年。

鲍尔 (Baur)：《据最新研究论孟他努主义的本质》(Das Wesen des Montanismus nach den neusten Forschungen)，载于《神学年鉴》(Theol. Jahrbücher)。图宾根 (Tüb.)，1851年，第538页及下页；以及其《基督教会史》(Gesch. der Christl. Kirche)，卷I，第235–245、288–295页（1863年第3版）。鲍尔与施韦格勒一样，主要着重于教义因素，但驳斥了他关于孟他努主义源于伊便尼主义的看法，并从孟他努主义与诺斯替主义及主教制的冲突来考察它。

尼德纳 (Niedner)：《教会史》(K. Gesch.)，第253页及下页，第259页及下页。

阿尔布雷希特·里奇尔 (Albrecht Ritschl)：《古代大公教会的形成》(Entstehung der altkathol. Kirche)，第2版，1857年，第402–550页。里奇尔着重指出这一宗派在实践和伦理方面的特点，是恰当的。

P. 戈特瓦尔德 (P. Gottwald)：《论德尔图良的孟他努主义》(De Montanismo Tertulliani)。布雷斯劳 (Vratisl.)，1862年。

A. 雷维尔 (A. Reville)：《德尔图良与孟他努主义》(Tertullien et le Montanisme)，载于《两世界评论》(Revue des deux mondes)，1864年11月。另见他发表于1858年《新神学评论》(Nouvelle Revue de Theologic) 的论文。

R. A. 利普修斯 (R. A. Lipsius)：《埃皮法尼乌的史料考证》(Zur Quellenkritik des Epiphanios)。维也纳 (Wien)，1865年；以及《最早异端史的史料》(Die Quellen der ältesten Ketzergeschichte)。莱比锡 (Leipz.)，1875年。

埃米尔·施特勒林 (Emile Ströhlin)：《孟他努主义论》(Essai sur le Montanisme)。斯特拉斯堡 (Strasbourg)，1870年。

约翰·德·索伊尔 (John De Soyres)：《孟他努主义与初期教会》(Montanism and the Primitive Church，赫尔斯奖获奖论文)。剑桥，1878年（163页）。附有一份实用的年表。

G. 纳塔纳埃尔·邦韦奇 (G. Nathanael Bonwetsch，多尔帕特〔Dorpat〕人)：《孟他努主义史》(Die Geschichte des Montanismus)。埃尔朗根 (Erlangen)，1881年（201页）。这是论述这一题目的最佳著作。

勒南 (Renan)：《马可·奥勒留》(Marc-Aurèle，1882年)，第XIII章，第207–225页。另见其论文《孟他努主义》(Le Montanisme)，载于1881年2月《两世界评论》(Revue des deux mondes)。

W. 贝尔克 (W. Belck)：《孟他努主义史》(Geschichte des Montanismus)。莱比锡，1883年。

希尔根费尔德 (Hilgenfeld)：《原始基督教异端史》(D. Ketzergesch. des Urchristenthums)。莱比锡，1884年。（第560–600页。）

对此题目作出良好论述的，有默勒博士 (Dr. Möller) 载于赫尔佐格 (Herzog) 百科全书的文章（修订版，卷X，第255–262页）；赫费勒主教 (Bp. Hefele) 载于韦策尔与韦尔特 (Wetzer & Welter) 百科全书的文章，卷VII，第252–268页，以及其《教会会议史》(Conciliengesch.) 修订版，卷I，第83页及下页；还有萨尔蒙德博士 (Dr. Salmond) 载于史密斯与韦斯 (Smith & Wace) 辞典的文章，卷III，第935–945页。

另比较§ 196（第818页）关于德尔图良的文献。

§ 110. 孟他努主义的外部历史

古代教会中一切禁欲主义、严苛主义和千禧年主义的成分，都汇合于孟他努主义。在那里，它们要求获得普遍的效力；大公教会为了自身的利益，不得不拒绝这一要求。因为教会把追求超凡圣洁的努力留给人数相对较少的禁欲者和教士，而对于广大信徒，则宁可减轻基督教的重担，而不是加重它。因此，这一引人注目的现象应当在这里论述，而不应放在通常归入的教义或异端项目之下。因为孟他努主义起初并非偏离信仰，而是将早期教会的实践道德和纪律作了病态的过度发挥。它是一种过激的超自然主义和清教主义，反对诺斯替派的理性主义与大公教会的松弛。它是第一个认真实诚、用意良好，却又阴郁狂热的过度基督教的实例；它与一切过度属灵主义一样，容易以属肉体告终。

孟他努主义起源于小亚细亚 (Asia Minor)，这一地区是当时许多教会运动的舞台；但它并非起源于以弗所 (Ephesus) 或任何大城，而是起源于弗里吉亚 (Phrygia) 行省几个无足轻重的村落。那里曾是一种充满感官色彩、神秘而梦幻的自然宗教的故乡，保罗和他的门徒也曾在那里的歌罗西 (Colossae)、老底嘉 (Laodicea) 和希拉波立 (Hierapolis) 建立教会。¹ 约在第二世纪中叶，安敦宁·庇护 (Antoninus Pius) 或马可·奥勒留 (Marcus Aurelius) 统治期间，一个名叫孟他努 (Montanus) 的人发起了这一运动。² 据敌对者的记载，他在归信以前，是库柏勒 (Cybele) 的一名受过阉割的祭司，没有特殊的才干，也缺乏教养，却燃烧着狂热的热忱。他陷入梦游般的出神状态，自以为是那应许要来的保惠师或辩护者——在这末后患难时期的帮助者和安慰者——所默示的代言人。他的敌手因他在神谕中用第一人称代圣灵发言，就错误地推断他直接自称为保惠师，甚至按埃皮法尼乌 (Epiphanius) 的说法，自称为父神。与他联合的有两位女先知，普里斯基拉和马克西米拉，她们都离开了自己的丈夫。安敦宁诸帝治下的血腥逼迫肆虐于小亚细亚，并造成坡旅甲 (Polycarp) 的死亡（155年）；其间，这三人都以先知和基督徒生活改革者的身份出来活动，宣告圣灵的时代和千禧年统治即将在弗里吉亚的一个小村佩普扎 (Pepuza) 来临，新耶路撒冷将降在这个村子上。所发生的情景，与最初贵格会 (Quakers) 传道时的情景，以及欧文派 (Irvingite) 会众中说方言和说预言的情景相似。这场狂热运动很快远远超出了发起者的本意，传到罗马和北非，使整个教会陷入骚动。它促成了使徒时期以后最早见于记载的教会会议。

孟他努的追随者被称为孟他努派 (Montanists)，也称弗里吉亚派 (Phrygians)、卡塔弗里吉亚派 (Cataphrygians，均因其起源的行省得名)、佩普扎派 (Pepuziani)、普里斯基拉派 (Priscillianists，得名于普里斯基拉，不可与第四世纪的普里西利安派混淆)。他们自称为

属灵的基督徒（πνευματικοί^*），以区别于属魂或属肉体的基督徒（ψυχικοί^*）。

小亚细亚的主教和教会会议虽然并非众口一词，却宣告这新预言是鬼魔的作为，施行驱魔，并将孟他努派逐出教会的团契。众人都同意它是超自然的（当时尚不懂得以自然的方式解释这类心理现象），唯一的选择就是将它归于上帝，或归于他的大仇敌。偏见和恶意编造出种种诽谤，指控孟他努和这两位女先知道德败坏、疯狂以及自杀，而人们也轻易就信以为真。埃皮法尼乌和大马士革的约翰 (John of Damascus) 讲述了一个荒诞的故事，说献婴孩为祭是孟他努派神秘崇拜的一部分，他们还用被杀婴孩的血制饼。³

在东方以著述反对他们的人中，见于记载的有希拉波立的克劳狄·阿波利拿里乌 (Claudius Apolinarius of Hierapolis)、米尔提亚德 (Miltiades)、阿波罗尼乌 (Appollonius)、安提阿的塞拉皮翁 (Serapion of Antioch)，以及亚历山大的革利免 (Clement of Alexandria)。

罗马教会在埃留特鲁 (Eleutherus，177–190年) 或维克托 (Victor，190–202年) 担任主教期间，经过一番犹疑，也在长老盖乌斯 (Caius) 和来自亚细亚的认信者普拉克西阿 (Praxeas) 的鼓动下，起来反对这些新先知。正如德尔图良讥讽地说，普拉克西阿在罗马为魔鬼立下了双重功劳：赶走预言，引进异端（圣父受苦说，patripassianism）；也就是驱逐圣灵，将父神钉十字架。然而，希波吕托 (Hippolytus) 对泽菲里努 (Zephyrinus) 和卡利斯图 (Callistus) 的反对，以及后来的诺瓦atian分裂，都表明直到第三世纪中叶以后，孟他努主义在纪律上的严苛主义，在罗马仍有强有力的拥护者。

当时正经受逼迫严峻考验的高卢 (Gallic) 基督徒采取了和解的态度，至少同情孟他努派在道德上的认真、对殉道的热忱，以及千禧年的盼望。他们派自己的长老（后来成为主教）爱任纽 (Irenaeus) 到罗马的埃留特鲁那里，为孟他努派说情。这次出使似乎促使他或他的继任者发出了和平书信，但不久这些书信又被撤回。这就决定了这一派的命运。⁴

孟他努派在北非得到广泛的同情，因为布匿人 (Punic) 的民族性格，天然倾向于阴郁、严厉的苛刻。⁵ 两位最著名的女殉道者佩尔佩图阿 (Perpetua) 和斐利西塔斯 (Felicitas) 都信奉他们的主张，并在塞普蒂米乌·塞韦鲁 (Septimius Severus) 的逼迫期间（203年），在迦太基 (Carthage) 英勇就义。

他们所赢得的最重要人物，是才华横溢、性情炽烈，却又乖僻严苛的德尔图良。他出于对禁欲主义的同情，于201或202年成为孟他努主义最积极、最有影响力的拥护者，并使它幽暗的感受进入哲学的曙光之中；然而，他并未正式脱离大公教会，仍继续捍卫教会的教义，反对异端。无论如何，他没有被逐出教会，他的正统著作始终受到高度推崇。他是这场起于纯粹实践问题的分裂运动中唯一的神学家，而我们对这一运动最可靠的认识，也得自他的著作。借着他，这一运动的原则又在许多方面反过来影响了大公教会；不仅在北非如此，在西班牙也如此，306年埃尔维拉会议 (Council of Elvira) 的严厉法令便可为证。奇怪的是，居普良 (Cyprian) 尽管极力推崇教会权威并憎恶分裂，却每天阅读德尔图良，而对孟他努主义竟只字未提。奥古斯丁 (Augustin) 记述说，德尔图良离开了孟他努派，创立了一个以他命名的新宗派；但经他（奥古斯丁）的斡旋，这一宗派又与迦太基的大公教会会众和解了。⁶

孟他努派 (Montanists)，或非洲人也称之为德尔图良派 (Tertullianists)，作为一个独立宗派，一直延续到第六世纪。在埃皮法尼乌 (Epiphanius) 的时代，这一宗派在弗里吉亚 (Phrygia)、加拉太 (Galatia)、卡帕多西亚 (Cappadocia)、基利家 (Cilicia) 和君士坦丁堡 (Constantinople) 都有许多信徒。君士坦丁的继承者，直到查士丁尼 (Justinian，530年)，曾屡次颁布法律反对他们。各次会议就孟他努派洗礼是否有效所作的规定，并不一致。⁷

§ 111. 孟他努主义的性质与主张

I. 在教义上，孟他努主义与大公教会在一切要点上都相一致，并且极其坚定地持守传统的信仰准则。⁸ 按照当时的标准，德尔图良完全是正统的。他反对婴儿洗礼，是基于受洗以后所犯的致死之罪不能蒙赦免这一假定；但婴儿洗礼当时尚未成为大公教会的信条，仍由父母自行决定。他针对圣父受苦说 (Patripassianism)，主张上帝里面有位格的区别，并强调圣灵的重要性，从而有助于正统三位一体教义的发展。孟他努主义既不像伊便尼主义 (Ebionism) 那样植根于犹太教，也不像诺斯替主义 (Gnosticism) 那样植根于异教，而是植根于基督教；它的错误，在于对基督教观念和要求作了病态的夸大。德尔图良说，保惠师的职事只在于改革纪律、更深地理解圣经，以及努力追求更高的完全；它与大公教会信徒有同样的信仰、同一位上帝、同一位基督和同样的圣礼。这一宗派坚决反对诺斯替异端，并与那一体系形成鲜明的对照：它主要把基督教置于实际生活之中，而不是理论思辨之中；它盼望上帝的国在这地上达到圆满，虽然要等到千禧年才实现，而不是把这国移入一个抽象的理想世界。然而，这两个体系之间，也像一切相反的极端之间一样，存在着接触点；例如，它们都反对世界现存的秩序，并且都区分属灵的教会与属魂的教会。

德尔图良把宗教看作一个发展的过程，并以自然界有机生命的生长为比喻来说明。他将这一过程分为四个阶段：——(1.) 自然宗教，即人天生具有的上帝观念；(2.) 旧约的律法宗教；(3.) 基督在世生活期间的福音；(4.) 保惠师的启示，也就是孟他努派的属灵宗教。因此，他们自称为属灵者 (pneumatics)，或属灵的教会，以区别于属魂的（或属肉体的）大公教会。这是首次出现这样一种发展理论，认为可以前进到新约和使徒的基督教之外；它误用了芥菜种和面酵的比喻，以及保罗关于教会在基督里面成长（而不是超越基督）的教导。然而，德尔图良的见解绝不是理性主义的。相反，他要求一切新的启示都必须与教会传统的信仰，即信仰准则 (regula fidei)，最为严密地一致；在一部确属孟他努派的著作中，他称这准则为“immobilis et irreformabilis”（不可动摇、不可更改的）。尽管如此，他赋予弗里吉亚先知在实践问题上的启示以如此重大的地位，以致损害了圣经的充分性。

2. 在实际生活和纪律的领域，孟他努运动及其对世界末日迫近的期待，与占统治地位的大公教会发生了冲突；这种冲突若贯彻到底，自然也必在某种程度上显露于教义领域。每一种分裂的倾向，在发展过程中都容易或多或少地成为异端。

1. 首先，孟他努主义力图强行延续使徒教会的神迹恩赐；这些恩赐随着基督教在人类中扎根、其超自然原则在地上成为生活中自然的一部分，已逐渐消失。⁹ 它尤其坚持预言恩赐的延续，因此通常被称为新预言 (nova prophetia)。它援引圣经中的约翰、亚迦布、犹大和西拉为例；至于他们的女先知，则援引米利暗、底波拉，尤其是葬在弗里吉亚首府希拉波立 (Hierapolis) 的腓利的四个女儿为例。狂喜状态下所发出的神谕，被误认为是上帝的默示。德尔图良称那些先知的精神状态为“amentia”（神志失常）、“excidere sensu”（失去知觉），他的描述使人不由得想起催眠透视的现象。孟他努 (Montanus) 把狂喜中的人比作一件乐器，圣灵在其上奏出自己的旋律。他在一则神谕中以保惠师的名义说：“看哪，人好比里拉琴，我如拨子在他身上拂过。人沉睡，我醒着。看哪，是主使人的心离开自身，又将心赐给人。”¹⁰ 就其内容而言，孟他努派的预言涉及上帝即将施行的严厉审判、逼迫、千禧年、禁食，以及其他禁欲操练；这些操练要作为教会的律例强制施行。

大公教会在理论上并不否认预言和其他神迹恩赐的延续，却倾向于把孟他努派的启示归于撒但的感动；¹¹ 而这些启示并非出自正式的教牧人员，大半却出自未经授权的平信徒和狂热的妇女，这就使教会更加不信任它们。

2. 这就引出了孟他努运动的另一个特征：它主张基督徒、甚至妇女皆有普遍的祭司职分，以此反对大公教会中特殊的祭司职分。从这一角度看，可以称它为对教牧贵族统治的一种民主反动；自伊格那丢 (Ignatius) 的时代起，教牧阶层愈来愈垄断了一切教职特权和职能。孟他努派认为，担任教师职分的真正资格和任命，在于上帝之灵的直接赐予，而不在于外在的按立和主教传承。他们处处高举超自然的因素和圣灵自由的运行，以对抗固定教会秩序的机械作用。

正是在这一点上，他们必然带上分裂的性质，并使主教阶层联合起来反对自己。但他们不过是以另一种贵族统治，取代了他们所谴责的教牧与平信徒之分。他们为自己的先知索取了他们不肯给予大公教会主教的权利。他们在真正属灵的基督徒与仅仅属魂的人之间划出一道鸿沟；这就引发了属灵的骄傲和虚假的虔敬主义。他们与新教普遍祭司职分观念的相近之处，表面多于实质；他们所依据的是全然不同的原则。

3. 孟他努主义另一个本质而显著的特征，是一种耽于异象的千禧年主义 (millennarianism)。它固然以《启示录》和使徒对基督快要再来的期待为根据，却赋予这种期待过分的分量，并涂上物质主义的色彩。孟他努派是古代教会中最热烈的千禧年主义者；当这一盼望开始让位于教会将在地上长期安顿的意识，以及与此相应的、建立严密稳固的主教组织的热忱时，他们便更加坚定地持守基督即将在荣耀中再来的信念。他们祷告“愿你的国降临”，就是祈求世界的终结。最终大灾变的鲜明印象支配着他们的生活，因此他们轻看现存的事物秩序，把一切愿望都指向基督的第二次降临。马克西米拉 (Maximilla) 说：“在我以后不再有预言，只有世界的终结。”¹²

这些预言落空，自然削弱了这一体系的其他一切自命不凡的主张。但另一方面，对主即将来临的信心减退，确实伴随着大公教会中世俗化的加深。孟他努派的千禧年主义，此后曾以极为不同的形式一再重现。

4. 最后，孟他努派在禁欲主义和教会纪律上的狂热严苛，也构成了它的特征。它热切抗议大公教会悔罪纪律的日益松弛；尤其在罗马，泽菲里努和卡利斯图任内，这种纪律竟建立起一套宽纵最严重罪行的办法，使认真敬虔的人深感悲痛；而且早在君士坦丁以前，就开始模糊教会与世界的界线。德尔图良把恢复严格的纪律看作新预言的首要职事。¹³

但孟他努主义无疑走向了相反的极端，从福音的自由堕入犹太式的律法主义；而大公教会拒绝这些新律例和重担，反倒捍卫了自由的事业。孟他努主义怀着恐惧拒绝生活中的一切享受，甚至认为艺术也与基督徒的清醒自守和谦卑不相容。它禁止妇女穿戴任何装饰性的服饰，并要求童女蒙头。它热切追求殉道的血洗，谴责在逼迫中躲藏或逃走，认为这就是否认基督。它增加禁食和其他禁欲操练，并将其推至极端严苛的地步，以此作为迎接千禧年的最佳预备。它禁止再婚，无论平信徒还是教牧人员，再婚都被视为奸淫；它甚至倾向于认为，即使一次婚姻，也不过是上帝对人感官软弱的让步。它教导说，不可能有第二次悔改，并拒绝让跌倒背道者恢复教会的团契。德尔图良认为，受洗以后所犯的一切致死之罪（他列举了七种），至少在今世是不可赦免的；¹⁴ 至于一个像当时罗马教会那样宽容重罪之人的教会——希波吕托的证言也证实了这一点——他称之为比“贼窝”更坏，甚至是“spelunca maechorum et fornicatorum”（奸夫与淫乱者的巢穴）。¹⁵

诚然，正如我们已经看到的，大公教会也为过度严苛的禁欲主义开了门，但只将其视为常规之外的例外；孟他努派却坚持要以其严苛要求约束所有人。在现今这样的世界里，这种普遍实行的禁欲主义根本行不通，这一宗派本身也就不可避免地日渐衰微。然而，赋予它活力的宗教热忱、它的预言和异象、它的千禧年主义，以及它所陷入的种种狂热极端，此后在诺瓦atian主义 (Novatianism)、多纳徒主义 (Donatism)、方济各会的属灵主义 (spiritualism of the Franciscans)、重洗派 (Anabaptism)、卡米萨派的狂热运动 (Camisard enthusiasm)、清教主义 (Puritanism)、贵格会 (Quakerism)、寂静主义 (Quietism)、敬虔主义 (Pietism)、复临主义 (Second Adventism)、欧文主义 (Irvingism) 等运动中，以不同的名称和形式、以新的组合一再出现，成为对教会中种种弊端的抗议和有益的反动。¹⁶

Original Text

CHAPTER X. MONTANISM.

§ 109. Literature.

Sources:

The prophetic utterances of Montanus, Prisca (or Priscilla) and Maximilla, scattered through Tertullian and other writers, collected by F. Münter. (Effata et Oracula Montanistarum, Hafniae, 1829), and by Bonwetsch, in his Gesch. des Mont. p. 197–200.

Tertullian’s writings after a.d. 201, are the chief source, especially De Corona Militis; De Fuga in Persec.; De Cult. Feminarum; De Virg. Velandis; De Exhort. Castitatis; De Monogamia; De Paradiso; De Jejuniis; De Pudicitia; De Spectaculis; De Spe Fidelium. His seven books On Ecstasy, mentioned by Jerome, are lost. In his later anti-heretical writings (Adv. Marcionem; Adv. Valentin.; Adv. Praxean; De Anima; De Resurr. Carnis), Tertullian occasionally refers to the new dispensation of the Spirit. On the chronology of his writings see Uhlhorn: Fundamenta chronologiae Tertullianeae, (Gött. 1852), Bonwetsch: Die Schriften Tertullians nach der Zeit ihrer Abfassung (Bonn, 1878), and Harnack, in Brieger’s "Zeitschrift für K. gesch." No. 11.

Irenaeus: Adv. Haer. III. 11, 9; IV. 33, 6 and 7. (The references to Montanism are somewhat doubtful). Eusebius: H. E. V. 3. Epipan.: Haer. 48 and 49.

The anti-Montanist writings of Apolinarius (Apollinaris) of Hierapolis, Melito of Sardes, Miltiades (peri; tou' mh; dei'n profhvthn ejn ejkstavsei lalei'n), Apollonius, Serapion, Gaius, and an anonymous author quoted by Eusebius are lost. Comp. on the sources Soyres, l.c. p. 3–24, and Bonwetsch, l c. p. 16–55.

Works:

Theoph. Wernsdorf: Commentatio de Montanistis Saeculi II. vulgo creditis haereticis. Dantzig, 1781. A vindication of Montanism as being essentially agreed with the doctrines of the primitive church and unjustly condemned. Mosheim differs, but speaks favorably of it. So also Soyres. Arnold had espoused the cause of M. before, in his Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie.

Mosheim: De Rebus Christ. ante Const. M. p. 410–425 (Murdock’s transl I. 501–512).

Walch: Ketzerhistorie, I. 611–666.

Kirchner: De Montanistis. Jenae, 1832.

Neander: Antignosticus oder Geist aus Tertullian’s Schriften. Berlin, 1825 (2d ed. 1847), and the second ed. of his Kirchengesch. 1843, Bd. II. 877–908 (Torrey’s transl. Boston ed. vol. I. 506–526). Neander was the first to give a calm and impartial philosophical view of Montanism as the realistic antipode of idealistic Gnosticism.

A. Schwegler: Der Montanismus und die christl. Kirche des 2^ten Jahrh. Tüb. 1841. Comp. his Nach-Apost. Zeitalter (Tüb. 1846). A very ingenious philosophical a-priori construction of history in the spirit of the Tübingen School. Schwegler denies the historical existence of Montanus, wrongly derives the system from Ebionism, and puts its essence in the doctrine of the Paraclete and the new supernatural epoch of revelation introduced by him. Against him wrote GEORGII in the "Deutsche Jahrbücher für Wissenschaft und Kunst," 1842.

Hilgenfeld: Die Glossolalie in der alten Kirche. Leipz. 1850.

Baur: Das Wesen des Montanismus nach den neusten Forschungen, in the "Theol. Jahrbücher." Tüb. 1851, p. 538 sqq.; and his Gesch. der Christl. Kirche, I. 235–245, 288–295 (3d ed. of 1863). Baur, like Schwegler, lays the chief stress on the doctrinal element, but refutes his view on the Ebionitic origin of Mont., and reviews it in its conflict with Gnosticism and episcopacy.

Niedner: K. Gesch. 253 sqq., 259 sqq.

Albrecht Ritschl: Entstehung der altkathol. Kirche, second ed. 1857, p. 402–550. R. justly emphasizes the practical and ethical features of the sect.

P. Gottwald: De Montanismo Tertulliani. Vratisl. 1862.

A. Reville: Tertullien et le Montanisme, in the "Revue des deux mondes," Nov. 1864. Also his essay in the "Nouvelle Revue de Theologic" for 1858.

R. A. Lipsius: Zur Quellenkritik des Epiphanios. Wien, 1865; and Die Quellen der ältesten Ketzergeschichte. Leipz. 1875.

Emile Ströhlin: Essai sur le Montanisme. Strasbourg, 1870.

John De Soyres: Montanism and the Primitive Church (Hulsean prize essay). Cambridge, 1878 (163 pa-es). With a useful chronological table.

G. Nathanael Bonwetsch (of Dorpat): Die Geschichte des Montanismus. Erlangen, 1881 (201 pages). The best book on the subject.

Renan: Marc-Aurèle (1882), ch. XIII. p. 207–225. Also his essay Le Montanisme, in the "Revue des deux mondes," Feb. 1881.

W. Belck: Geschichte des Montanismus. Leipzig, 1883.

Hilgenfeld: D. Ketzergesch. des Urchristenthums. Leipzig, 1884. (pp. 560–600.)

The subject is well treated by Dr. Möller in Herzog (revis. ed. Bd. X. 255–262); Bp. Hefele in Wetzer & Welter, Bd. VII. 252–268, and in his Conciliengesch. revised ed. Bd. I. 83 sqq.; and by Dr. Salmond in Smith & Wace, III. 935–945.

Comp. also the Lit. on Tertullian, § 196 (p. 818).

§ 110. External History of Montanism.

All the ascetic, rigoristic, and chiliastic elements of the ancient church combined in Montanism. They there asserted a claim to universal validity, which the catholic church was compelled, for her own interest, to reject; since she left the effort after extraordinary holiness to the comparatively small circle of ascetics and priests, and sought rather to lighten Christianity than add to its weight, for the great mass of its professors. Here is the place, therefore, to speak of this remarkable phenomenon, and not under the head of doctrine, or heresy, where it is commonly placed. For Montanism was not, originally, a departure from the faith, but a morbid overstraining of the practical morality and discipline of the early church. It was an excessive supernaturalism and puritanism against Gnostic rationalism and Catholic laxity. It is the first example of an earnest and well-meaning, but gloomy and fanatical hyper-Christianity, which, like all hyper-spiritualism, is apt to end in the flesh.

Montanism originated in Asia Minor, the theatre of many movements of the church in this period; yet not in Ephesus or any large city, but in some insignificant villages of the province of Phrygia, once the home of a sensuously mystic and dreamy nature-religion, where Paul and his pupils had planted congregations at Colossae, Laodicea, and Hierapolis.(1) The movement was started about the middle of the second century during the reign of Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius, by a certain Montanus.(2) He was, according to hostile accounts, before his conversion, a mutilated priest of Cybele, with no special talents nor culture, but burning with fanatical zeal. He fell into somnambulistic ecstasies, and considered himself the inspired organ of the promised Paraclete or Advocate, the Helper and Comforter in these last times of distress. His adversaries wrongly inferred from the use of the first person for the Holy Spirit in his oracles, that he made himself directly the Paraclete, or, according to Epiphanius, even God the Father. Connected with him were two prophetesses, Priscilla and Maximilla, who left their husbands. During the bloody persecutions under the Antonines, which raged in Asia Minor, and caused the death of Polycarp (155), all three went forth as prophets and reformers of the Christian life, and proclaimed the near approach of the age of the Holy Spirit and of the millennial reign in Pepuza, a small village of Phrygia, upon which the new Jerusalem was to come down. Scenes took place similar to those under the preaching of the first Quakers, and the glossolalia and prophesying in the Irvingite congregations. The frantic movement soon far exceeded the intention of its authors, spread to Rome and North Africa, and threw the whole church into commotion. It gave rise to the first Synods which are mentioned after the apostolic age.

The followers of Montanus were called Montanists, also Phrygians, Cataphrygians (from the province of their origin), Pepuziani, Priscillianists (from Priscilla, not to be confounded with the Priscillianists of the fourth century). They called themselves

spiritual Christians (peumatikoiv), in distinction from the psychic or carnal Christians (yucikoiv).

The bishops and synods of Asia Minor, though not with one voice, declared the new prophecy the work of demons, applied exorcism, and cut off the Montanists from the fellowship of the church. All agreed that it was supernatural (a natural interpretation of such psychological phenomena being then unknown), and the only alternative was to ascribe it either to God or to his great Adversary. Prejudice and malice invented against Montanus and the two female prophets slanderous charges of immorality, madness and suicide, which were readily believed. Epiphanius and John of Damascus tell the absurd story, that the sacrifice of an infant was a part of the mystic worship of the Montanists, and that they made bread with the blood of murdered infants.(3)

Among their literary opponents in the East are mentioned Claudius Apolinarius of Hierapolis, Miltiades, Appollonius, Serapion of Antioch, and Clement of Alexandria.

The Roman church, during the episcopate of Eleutherus (177–190), or of Victor (190–202), after some vacillation, set itself likewise against the new prophets at the instigation of the presbyter Caius and the confessor Praxeas from Asia, who, as Tertullian sarcastically says, did a two-fold service to the devil at Rome by driving away prophecy and bringing in heresy (patripassianism), or by putting to flight the Holy Spirit and crucifying God the Father. Yet the opposition of Hippolytus to Zephyrinus and Callistus, as well as the later Novatian schism, show that the disciplinary rigorism of Montanism found energetic advocates in Rome till after the middle of the third century.

The Gallic Christians, then severely tried by persecution, took a conciliatory posture, and sympathized at least with the moral earnestness, the enthusiasm for martyrdom, and the chiliastic hopes of the Montanists. They sent their presbyter (afterwards bishop) Irenaeus to Eleutherus in Rome to intercede in their behalf. This mission seems to have induced him or his successor to issue letters of peace, but they were soon afterwards recalled. This sealed the fate of the party.(4)

In North Africa the Montanists met with extensive sympathy, as the Punic national character leaned naturally towards gloomy and rigorous acerbity.(5) Two of the most distinguished female martyrs, Perpetua and Felicitas, were addicted to them, and died a heroic death at Carthage in the persecution of Septimius Severus (203).

Their greatest conquest was the gifted and fiery, but eccentric and rigoristic Tertullian. He became in the year 201 or 202, from ascetic sympathies, a most energetic and influential advocate of Montanism, and helped its dark feeling towards a twilight of philosophy, without, however, formally seceding from the Catholic Church, whose doctrines he continued to defend against the heretics. At all events, he was not excommunicated, and his orthodox writings were always highly esteemed. He is the only theologian of this schismatic movement, which started in purely practical questions, and we derive the best of our knowledge of it from his works. Through him, too, its principles reacted in many respects on the Catholic Church; and that not only in North Africa, but also in Spain, as we may see from the harsh decrees of the Council of Elvira in 306. It is singular that Cyprian, who, with all his high-church tendencies and abhorrence of schism, was a daily reader of Tertullian, makes no allusion to Montanism. Augustin relates that Tertullian left the Montanists, and founded a new sect, which was called after him, but was, through his (Augustin’s) agency, reconciled to the Catholic congregation of Carthage.(6)

As a separate sect, the Montanists or Tertullianists, as they were also called in Africa, run down into the sixth century. At the time of Epiphanius the sect had many adherents in Phrygia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and in Constantinople. The successors of Constantine, down to Justinian (530), repeatedly enacted laws against them. Synodical legislation about the validity of Montanist baptism is inconsistent.(7)

§ 111. Character and Tenets of Montanism.

I. In doctrine, Montanism agreed in all essential points with the Catholic Church, and held very firmly to the traditional rule of faith.(8) Tertullian was thoroughly orthodox according to the standard of his age. He opposed infant baptism on the assumption that mortal sins could not be forgiven after baptism; but infant baptism was not yet a catholic dogma, and was left to the discretion of parents. He contributed to the development of the orthodox doctrine of the Trinity, by asserting against Patripassianism a personal distinction in God, and the import of the Holy Spirit. Montanism was rooted neither, like Ebionism, in Judaism, nor, like Gnosticism, in heathenism, but in Christianity; and its errors consist in a morbid exaggeration of Christian ideas and demands. Tertullian says, that the administration of the Paraclete consists only in the reform of discipline, in deeper understanding of the Scriptures, and in effort after higher perfection; that it has the same faith, the same God, the same Christ, and the same sacraments with the Catholics. The sect combated the Gnostic heresy with all decision, and forms the exact counterpart of that system, placing Christianity chiefly in practical life instead of theoretical speculation, and looking for the consummation of the kingdom of God on this earth, though not till the millennium, instead of transferring it into an abstract ideal world. Yet between these two systems, as always between opposite extremes, there were also points of contact; a common antagonism, for example, to the present order of the world, and the distinction of a pneumatic and a psychical church.

Tertullian conceived religion as a process of development, which he illustrates by the analogy of organic growth in nature. He distinguishes in this process four stages:—(1.) Natural religion, or the innate idea of God; (2.) The legal religion of the Old Testament; (3.) The gospel during the earthly life of Christ; and (4.) the revelation of the Paraclete; that is, the spiritual religion of the Montanists, who accordingly called themselves the pneumatics, or the spiritual church, in distinction from the psychical (or carnal) Catholic church. This is the first instance of a theory of development which assumes an advance beyond the New Testament and the Christianity of the apostles; misapplying the parables of the mustard seed and the leaven, and Paul’s doctrine of the growth of the church in Christ (but not beyond Christ). Tertullian, however, was by no means rationalistic in his view. On the contrary, he demanded for all new revelations the closest agreement with the traditional faith of the church, the regula fidei, which, in a genuine Montanistic work, he terms "immobilis et irreformabilis." Nevertheless he gave the revelations of the Phrygian prophets on matters of practice an importance which interfered with the sufficiency of the Scriptures.

2. In the field of practical life and discipline, the Montanistic movement and its expectation of the near approach of the end of the world came into conflict with the reigning Catholicism; and this conflict, consistently carried out, must of course show itself to some extent in the province of doctrine. Every schismatic tendency is apt to become in its progress more or less heretical.

1. Montanism, in the first place, sought a forced continuance of the miraculous gifts of the apostolic church, which gradually disappeared as Christianity became settled in humanity, and its supernatural principle was naturalized on earth.(9) It asserted, above all, the continuance of prophecy, and hence it went generally under the name of the nova prophetia. It appealed to Scriptural examples, John, Agabus, Judas, and Silas, and for their female prophets, to Miriam and Deborah, and especially to the four daughters of Philip, who were buried in Hierapolis, the capital of Phrygia. Ecstatic oracular utterances were mistaken for divine inspirations. Tertullian calls the mental status of those prophets an "amentia," an "excidere sensu," and describes it in a way which irresistibly reminds one of the phenomena of magnetic clairvoyance. Montanus compares a man in the ecstasy with a musical instrument, on which the Holy Spirit plays his melodies. "Behold," says he in one of his oracles, in the name of the Paraclete, "the man is as a lyre, and I sweep over him as a plectrum. The man sleeps; I wake. Behold, it is the Lord who puts the hearts of men out of themselves, and who gives hearts to men."(10) As to its matter, the Montanistic prophecy related to the approaching heavy judgments of God, the persecutions, the millennium, fasting, and other ascetic exercises, which were to be enforced as laws of the church.

The Catholic church did not deny, in theory, the continuance of prophecy and the other miraculous gifts, but was disposed to derive the Montanistic revelations from satanic inspirations,(11) and mistrusted them all the more for their proceeding not from the regular clergy, but in great part from unauthorized laymen and fanatical women.

2. This brings us to another feature of the Montanistic movement, the assertion of the universal priesthood of Christians, even of females, against the special priesthood in the Catholic church. Under this view it may be called a democratic reaction against the clerical aristocracy, which from the time of Ignatius had more and more monopolized all ministerial privileges and functions. The Montanists found the true qualification and appointment for the office of teacher in direct endowment by the Spirit of God, in distinction from outward ordination and episcopal succession. They everywhere proposed the supernatural element and the free motion of the Spirit against the mechanism of a fixed ecclesiastical order.

Here was the point where they necessarily assumed a schismatic character, and arrayed against themselves the episcopal hierarchy. But they only brought another kind of aristocracy into the place of the condemned distinction of clergy and laity. They claimed for their prophets what they denied to the Catholic bishops. They put a great gulf between the true spiritual Christians and the merely psychical; and this induced spiritual pride and false pietism. Their affinity with the Protestant idea of the universal priesthood is more apparent than real; they go on altogether different principles.

3. Another of the essential and prominent traits of Montanism was a visionary millennarianism, founded indeed on the Apocalypse and on the apostolic expectation of the speedy return of Christ, but giving it extravagant weight and a materialistic coloring. The Montanists were the warmest millennarians in the ancient church, and held fast to the speedy return of Christ in glory, all the more as this hope began to give way to the feeling of a long settlement of the church on earth, and to a corresponding zeal for a compact, solid episcopal organization. In praying, "Thy kingdom come," they prayed for the end of the world. They lived under a vivid impression of the great final catastrophe, and looked therefore with contempt upon the present order of things, and directed all their desires to the second advent of Christ. Maximilla says: "After me there is no more prophecy, but only the end of the world."(12)

The failure of these predictions weakened, of course, all the other pretensions of the system. But, on the other hand, the abatement of faith in the near approach of the Lord was certainly accompanied with an increase of worldliness in the Catholic church. The millennarianism of the Montanists has reappeared again and again in widely differing forms.

4. Finally, the Montanistic sect was characterized by fanatical severity in asceticism and church discipline. It raised a zealous protest against the growing looseness of the Catholic penitential discipline, which in Rome particularly, under Zephyrinus and Callistus, to the great grief of earnest minds, established a scheme of indulgence for the grossest sins, and began, long before Constantine, to obscure the line between the church and the world. Tertullian makes the restoration of a rigorous discipline the chief office of the new prophecy.(13)

But Montanism certainly went to the opposite extreme, and fell from evangelical freedom into Jewish legalism; while the Catholic church in rejecting the new laws and burdens defended the cause of freedom. Montanism turned with horror from all the enjoyments of life, and held even art to be incompatible with Christian soberness and humility. It forbade women all ornamental clothing, and required virgins to be veiled. It courted the blood-baptism of martyrdom, and condemned concealment or flight in persecution as a denial of Christ. It multiplied fasts and other ascetic exercises, and carried them to extreme severity, as the best preparation for the millennium. It prohibited second marriage as adultery, for laity as well as clergy, and inclined even to regard a single marriage as a mere concession on the part of God to the sensuous infirmity of man. It taught the impossibility of a second repentance, and refused to restore the lapsed to the fellowship of the church. Tertullian held all mortal sins (of which he numbers seven), committed after baptism, to be unpardonable,(14) at least in this world, and a church, which showed such lenity towards gross offenders, as the Roman church at that time did, according to the corroborating testimony of Hippolytus, he called worse than a den of thieves," even a "spelunca maechorum et fornicatorum."(15)

The Catholic church, indeed, as we have already seen, opened the door likewise to excessive ascetic rigor, but only as an exception to her rule; while the Montanists pressed their rigoristic demands as binding upon all. Such universal asceticism was simply impracticable in a world like the present, and the sect itself necessarily dwindled away. But the religious earnestness which animated it, its prophecies and visions, its millennarianism, and the fanatical extremes into which it ran, have since reappeared, under various names and forms, and in new combinations, in Novatianism, Donatism, the spiritualism of the Franciscans, Anabaptism, the Camisard enthusiasm, Puritanism, Quakerism, Quietism, Pietism, Second Adventism, Irvingism, and so on, by way of protest and wholesome reaction against various evils in the church.(16)

Original Footnotes

(1; original 759): Neander first pointed to the close connection of Montanism with the Phrygian nationality, and it is true as far as it goes, but does not explain the spread of the system in North Africa. Schwegler and Baur protested against Neander’s view, but Renan justly reasserts it: "La Phrygie était un des pays de l’antiquité les plus portés aux rêveries religieuses. Les Phrygiens passaient, en général pour niais et simple. Le christianisme eut chez eux, dès l’origine un charactère essentiellement mystique et ascétique. Déjà, dans l’épitre aux Colossiens,, Paul combat des erreurs où les signes précitrseurs du, gnosticisme et les excès d’un asétisme mal entendu semblent se mêler. Presque partout ailleurs, le christianisme fut une religion de grander villes; ici, comme dans la Syrie au delà du Jourdain, ce fut une religion de ourgades et de campagnards."

(2; original 760): The chronology is uncertain, and varies between 126-180. See the note of Renan in Marc-Aur. p. 209, Hefele (I. 85), Soyres (p. 25-29 and 157), and Bonwetsch (140-145). Eusebius assigns the rise of Montanism to the year 172, which is certainly too late; Epiphanius is confused, but leans to 157. Soyres dates it back as far as 130, Hefele to 140, Neander, Bonwetsch, and Möller (in Herzog, new ed. X. 255) to 156, Renan to 167. The recent change of the date of Polycarp’s martyrdom from 167 to 155, establishes the fact of persecutions in Asia Minor under Antoninus Pius. Hefele thinks that the Pastor Hermae, which was written before 151 under Pius I., already combats Montanist opinions. Bonwetsch puts the death of Montanus and Maximilla between 180 and 200. The name Montanus occurs on Phrygian inscriptions.

(3; original 761): Renan says of these slanders (p. 214): "Ce sont là les calomnies ordinaires, qui ne manquent jamais sous la plume des écrivains orthodoxes, quand il s’agit de noircir les dissidents."

(4; original 762): Tertullian, who mentions these "littteras pacis jam emissas " in favor of the Montanists in Asia (Adv. Prax. 1) leaves us in the dark as to the name of the "episcopus Romanus" from whom they proceeded and of the other by whom they were recalled, and as to the cause of this temporary favor. Victor condemned the Quartodecimanians with whom the Montanists were affiliated. Irenaeus protested against it. See Bonwetsch, p. 173 sq.

(5; original 763): This disposition, an h|qo" pikrovn, skuqrwtovn, andsklhrovn, even Plutarch notices in the Carthaginians (in his Politika; paraggevlmata, c. 3), and contrasts with the excitable and cheerful character of the Athenians.

(6; original 764): De Haeresibus, § 6.

(7; original 765): See Hefele, Conciliengesch., I. 754. He explains the inconsistency by the fact that the Montanists were regarded by, some orthodox, by others heretical, in the doctrine of the Trinity.

(8; original 766): This was acknowledged by its opponents. Epipbanius, Haer. XLVIII. 1, says, the Cataphrygians receive the entire Scripture of the Old and New Testament, and agree with the Catholic church in their views on the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit.

(9; original 767): In this point, as in others, Montanism bears a striking affinity to Irvingism, but differs from it by its democratic, anti-hierarchical constitution. Irvingism asserts not only the continuance of the apostolic gifts, but also of all the apostolic offices, especially the twelvefold apostolate, and is highly ritualistic.

(10; original 768): Epiph. Haer. xlviii. 4:ijdouv, oJ a[nqrwpo" wJsei; luvra, kajgw; ejfivptamai wJsei; plh'ktron, oJ a[nqrwpo" koima'tai, kajgw; grhgorw', ijdou;, kuvrio" ejstin oJ ejxistavnwn kardiva" ajnqrwvpwn kai; didou;" kardivan ajnqrwvpoi" .

(11; original 769): Tert. De Jun. 11:"Spiritus diaboli est, dicis, o psychice." Tertullian himself, however, always occupied an honorable rank among the church written, though not numbered among the church fathers in the technical sense

(12; original 770): Bonwetsch, p. 149: "Das Wesen des Montanismus ist eine Reaktion angesichts der nahen Parusie gegen Verweltlichung der Kirche." Baur, too, emphasizes this point and puts the chief difference between Montanism and Gnosticism in this that the latter looked at the beginning, the former at the end of all things."Wie die Gnosis denAnfangspunkt ins Auge fasst, von welchem alles ausgeht, die absoluten Principien, durch welche der Selbstoffenbarungsprocess Gottes und der Gang der Weltentwicklung bedingt ist, so ist im Montanismus der Hauptpunkt um welchen sich alles bewegt, das Ende der Dinge, die Katastrophe, welcher der Weltertlauf entgegengeht." (K. Gesch. I. 235).

(13; original 771): De Monog. c. 2, he calls the Paraclete "novae disciplinae institutor, " but in c. 4 he says, correcting himself: "Paraclete restitutor potius quam instilator disiplinae."

(14; original 772): Comp. De Pud. c. 2. and 19.

(15; original 773): De Pudic. c 1: "Audio etiam edictum esse propositum, et quidem peremptorium. Pontifex scilicet maximus, quod est episcopus episcoporum (so he calls, ironically, the Roman bishop; in all probability he refers to Zephyrinus or Callistus), edicit: Ego et moechiae et fornicationis delicta poenitentia functis dimitto ... Absit, absit a sponsa Christi tale praeconium! IIla, quae vera est. quae pudica, quae sancta, carebit etiam aurium macula. Non habet quibus hoc repromittit, et si habuerit, non repromittat, quoniam et terrenum Dei templum citius spelunca latronum (Matt. 21:13) appellari potuit a Domino quam moechorum et fornicatorum.

(16; original 774): Comp. on these analogous phenomena Soyres, p. 118 sqq. and 142 sqq. He also mentions Mormonism as an analogous movement, and so does Renan (Marc-Aurèle, p. 209), but this is unjust to Montanism, which in its severe ascetic morality differs widely from the polygamous pseudo-theocracy in Utah. Montanism much more nearly resembles Irvingism, whose leaders are eminently pure and devout men (as Irving, Thierscb, W. W. Andrews).

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