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《基督教会史》·第一卷·第九章 使徒时期的敬拜

《《基督教会史》·第一卷·第九章 使徒时期的敬拜》文章头图

Translated from Philip Schaff's History of The Christian Church

第九章 使徒时期的敬拜

目录

§ 51. 会堂

§ 52. 基督徒的敬拜

§ 53. 敬拜的各个部分

§ 54. 洗礼

§ 55. 圣餐

§ 56. 神圣的场所

§ 57. 神圣的时日——主日

参考文献

Th. 哈纳克 (Th Harnack):《使徒时期及古代大公教会时期的基督徒会众敬拜》(Der christliche Gemeindegottesdienst im Apost. und altkathol. Zeitalter)。埃尔朗根 (Erlangen),1854年。同作者:《实践神学》(Prakt. Theol.),第I卷,1877年。

P. 普罗布斯特 (P. Probst,罗马天主教徒):《最初三个世纪的礼仪》(Liturgie der drei ersten Jahrhunderte)。图宾根 (Tüb.),1870年。

W. L. 福尔茨 (W. L. Volz):《基督教敬拜的起源》(Anfänge des christl. Gottesdienstes),载《研究与评论》(Stud. und Krit.),1872年。

H. 雅各比 (H. Jacoby):《使徒时期敬拜的构成要素》(Die constitutiven Factoren des Apost. Gottesdienstes),载《德国神学年鉴》(Jahrb. für deutsche Theol.),1873年。

C. 魏茨泽克 (C. Weizsäcker):《最早基督徒会众的聚会》(Die Versammlungen der ältesten Christengemeinden),1876年;及《使徒时期》(Das Apost. Zeitalter),1886年,第566页及后。

Th. 察恩 (Th Zahn):《古代教会的主日史》(Gesch. des Sonntags in der alten Kirche)。汉诺威 (Hann.),1878年。

沙弗 (Schaff):《使徒教会史》(Hist. of the Apost. Ch.),第545–586页。

参看第十章的参考文献,以及第II卷第184页关于《十二使徒遗训》(Didache) 的参考文献。

§ 51. 会堂

坎佩格·维特林加 (Campeg. Vitringa,1722年卒于弗拉讷克):《古代会堂三卷》(De Synagoga Vetere libri tres.)。弗拉讷克 (Franeker),1696年,2卷(另有魏森费尔斯版,1726年)。这是一部权威著作,充满圣经及拉比学问。J. L. 伯纳德 (J. L. Bernard) 的节译本题为《会堂与教会》(The Synagogue and the Church)。伦敦,1842年。

C. 博尔尼提乌斯 (C. Bornitius):《古代希伯来人的会堂》(De Synagogis veterum Hebraeorum)。维滕贝格 (Vitemb.),1650年。亦收入乌戈利努斯 (Ugolinus):《神圣古物宝库》(Thesaurus Antiquitatum sacrarum)(威尼斯〔Venet.〕,1744–69年),第XXI卷,第495–539页。

Ant. Th. 哈特曼 (Ant. Th. Hartmann):《旧约与新约的紧密联系》(Die enge Verbindung des A. Testamenes mit dem Neuen)。汉堡,1831年(第225–376页)。

宗茨 (Zunz,犹太拉比):《犹太人的敬拜讲论》(Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden)。柏林,1832年。

约斯特 (Jost)、赫茨费尔德 (Herzfeld) 和米尔曼 (Milman) 各自所著的《犹太人史》(Histories of the Jews)。

豪斯拉特 (Hausrath) 所著《新约时代史》(Histories of N. T. Times)(第2版,第I卷,第73页及后),以及许勒尔 (Schürer) 的同类著作(第463–475页,及该处所列文献)。

“会堂”条(“Synag.”):金斯伯格 (Ginsburg) 撰,载“基托”(Kitto);普伦普特里 (Plumptre) 撰,载“史密斯”(Smith)(附哈克特〔Hackett〕增补,美版第IV卷,第3133页);莱勒尔 (Leyrer) 撰,载“赫尔佐格”(Herzog)(初版,第XV卷,第299页);克诺伊克尔 (Kneuker) 撰,载“申克尔”(Schenkel)(第V卷,第443页)。

正如基督教会在历史上以犹太教会为基础,基督徒的敬拜和会众组织也以会堂的敬拜和组织为基础;不了解会堂,就无法充分理解这些。

会堂过去是、如今仍是一个具有巨大保守力量的制度。正如耶路撒冷的圣殿是犹太人民族生活的中心,会堂则是他们地方宗教生活和社会生活的中心。它既是学校,也是教会,是这个独特民族一切独有事物的培育所和守护者。它大概起源于被掳及以斯拉的时代。1 到了基督和使徒的时代,它的组织已十分完备,并为他们所用,成为公开施教的基地。2 圣殿被毁后,它仍存留下来,延续至今,其基本特征未变,仍是犹太民族性与宗教的主要培育所和保障。3

“会堂”一词(如同我们所用的“教会”一词),首先指会众,继而也指会众聚集进行公共敬拜的建筑。4 每一个城镇,无论多么微小,都有一所会堂,或至少有一处祷告的地方,设在私人住宅中或露天之处(通常靠近河边或海滨,为的是便于行洁净的礼)。十个男子就足以组成一个宗教聚会。“因为从古以来,摩西的书在各城有人传讲,每逢安息日,在会堂里诵读。”5 建造会堂被视为一项虔诚而有益于公众的善工。6 在亚历山大 (Alexandria) 和罗马这样的大城市,会堂为数众多;耶路撒冷约有四百所,供各宗派及来自不同国家、讲希腊语的犹太人使用。7

  1. 建筑是一座朴素的长方形大厅,没有特殊的建筑风格,内部布置与会幕和圣殿略为相似。里面设有长凳,较高的座位(“首位”)留给长老和较富裕的成员;8 另有读经台或讲台,以及存放圣卷的木柜或壁橱(称为“Copheret”,即施恩座,又称“Aaron”)。最后这一项相当于会幕和圣殿中的至圣所。堂内仿照圣殿的灯光,点着一盏长明的圣灯,象征神的律法;不过,《塔木德》(Talmud) 并未提及此事。其他灯盏则由虔诚的敬拜者在安息日开始时(星期五晚上)带来。会堂门旁如同圣殿一样,设有奉献箱,一个为耶路撒冷的穷人募款,另一个供本地慈善之用。保罗仿效这一榜样,为耶路撒冷贫穷的基督徒募集捐款。

会堂没有艺术装饰(植物图案除外);因为第二条诫命严格禁止一切神的形像,视之为偶像崇拜。在这一点上,如同在其他许多方面一样,伊斯兰教清真寺以其严拒偶像的朴素风格,成为会堂的翻版。会堂建在邻近地区最高的地方,任何房屋都不许高过它。若没有居高临下的地势,就从屋顶竖起一根高杆,使它显而易见。9

  1. 组织——每所会堂有一位主管,10 若干地位平等的长老 (Zekenim),11 一位诵读员和一位传译员,12 一位或数位称为“使者”(Sheliach) 的代表或书记,13 以及一位负责较卑微杂务的堂役 (Chazzan)。14 另有执事 (Gabae zedaka),负责募集金钱和农产品形式的赈济品。十位或更多有闲暇的富人,称为 Batlanim,在每次礼拜中代表会众。每所会堂构成一个独立的共和体,但与其他会堂保持经常的通信联系。它也是民事和宗教法庭,有权将犯过者逐出会堂并施以鞭打。15

  2. 敬拜——形式简单,但时间颇长,包含敬虔、教导和礼仪三种要素。内容包括祷告、歌唱、诵读和讲解圣经,以及割礼和洁净礼。流血的献祭仅限于圣殿,并随着圣殿的毁灭而终止;它们在十字架上那永远的献祭中得了成全。祷文和诗歌主要取自《诗篇》;《诗篇》可称为第一部礼仪书和赞美诗集。

开始的祷告称为 Shema 或 Keriath Shema,包括两段开头的祝颂,诵读十诫(后来取消),以及《摩西五经》中的若干段落,即《申命记》6:4–9;11:13–21;《民数记》15:37–41。接着是十八段祷告和祝颂 (Berachoth)。其中一段如下:“求你将平安、幸福、福分、恩典、怜悯和慈悲赐给我们,也赐给你的百姓以色列全家。我们的父啊,求你以你脸上的光一同赐福我们众人,因为,主我们的神啊,你曾在你脸上的光中,赐给我们生命的律法、慈爱、公义、福分、怜悯、生命与平安。愿你乐意时时刻刻赐平安给你的百姓以色列。主啊,你是应当称颂的,你以平安赐福给你的百姓以色列。”《米示拿》(Mishna) 将这些祝颂追溯到大公会 (Great Synagogue) 的一百二十位长老。它们无疑是逐渐形成的,有些源自马加比 (Maccabean) 抗争时期,有些源自罗马掌权时期。祷告由诵读员献上,会众回应“阿们”。这一习俗传入了基督教会。16

敬拜中教导和讲道的部分以希伯来圣经为基础。先用原文诵读一段律法(称为 parasha)17 和一段先知书(haphthara),18 然后用通行的亚兰语或希腊语加以意译,或作注解和讲论(midrash)。最后以祝福和会众的“阿们”结束礼拜。

由于在耶路撒冷以外并无正式的祭司职分,任何成年的犹太人都可以起来诵读经课、献上祷告,并向会众讲话。耶稣和使徒利用这一民主的权利传讲福音,宣告福音是律法和先知的应验。19 这种礼拜具有浓厚的教导成分,与异教一切敬拜形式迥然不同,其结果是使各阶层的犹太人,甚至婢女,都熟悉自己的宗教,并使他们远高于异教徒。同时,它也吸引了渴望更纯洁、更属灵敬拜的归信者。

举行公共礼拜的日子是安息日、星期一和星期四;祷告的时辰是第三时(上午9时)、第六时(正午)和第九时(下午3时)。20

男女之间以矮墙或屏障隔开,男子在一边,女子在另一边,正如今日东方(以及欧洲某些地区)仍然实行的那样。祷告时,众人站立,面向耶路撒冷。

§ 52. 基督徒的敬拜

基督徒的敬拜,或称 cultus,是奉基督的名向上帝献上的公共崇拜;是信徒作为会众,与他们天上的元首相交的庆典,为要荣耀主,并促进和享受属灵的生命。它首先旨在激发教会自身的虔敬并造就教会,同时也带有宣教的性质,吸引外面的世界。五旬节那天,基督徒的敬拜首次以其独特的面貌出现,情形正是如此。

正如我们的主在少年及成年时亲自在会堂和圣殿中敬拜,他早期的门徒只要还被容纳,也同样如此。就连保罗也曾在大马士革 (Damascus)、塞浦路斯 (Cyprus)、彼西底的安提阿 (Antioch in Pisidia)、暗妃坡里 (Amphipolis)、庇哩亚 (Beraeea)、雅典 (Athens)、哥林多 (Corinth)、以弗所 (Ephesus) 的会堂里传讲基督。他“每逢安息日,在会堂里与犹太人辩论”,会堂为他提供了讲台和听众。

犹太基督徒,至少在巴勒斯坦 (Palestine),尽可能严守祖先那些古老而可敬的敬拜形式;这些形式确实是神所设立的,也是基督徒敬拜的生动预表。据我们所知,他们谨慎遵守安息日、犹太人每年的节期、每日祷告的时辰,以及整套摩西礼仪;此外,他们还庆祝基督徒的主日、主的死与复活,并举行圣餐。但这种联合因犹太人的顽固反对而逐渐削弱,最终随着圣殿的毁灭而完全破裂,只有伊便尼派 (Ebionites) 和拿撒勒派 (Nazarenes) 仍予保留。

在保罗所建立的外邦基督徒会众中,敬拜从起初就采取了较为独立的形式。旧约礼拜的基本要素固然被移植过来,却脱去了民族和律法的性质,并由福音的精神加以转化。于是,犹太人的安息日转为基督徒的主日;具有预表意义的逾越节和五旬节,成为纪念基督受死与复活,以及圣灵浇灌的节期;流血的献祭,让位于对基督在十字架上那一次、全然充足而永远的献祭的感恩纪念和领受,也让位于个人献上的祷告、代求,以及全然献身于救赎主的事奉;在那非人手所造的圣殿的废墟上,兴起了以心灵和诚实向无所不在的上帝献上的永不止息的敬拜。21 早在使徒时期结束时,这种更自由、更属灵的基督教敬拜,无疑已几乎普遍通行;然而,许多犹太教的成分,尤其在东方教会中,仍存留至今。

§ 53. 敬拜的各个部分

使徒时期公共敬拜的各个部分如下:

  1. 福音的宣讲。在最初时期,这大多采取向尚未归信者传道的形式;也就是简明而生动地陈述耶稣生平的主要事实,并切实劝勉人悔改归信。被钉十字架并已复活的基督是光辉的中心,从那里发出使人成圣的光,照耀人生的一切关系。这种宣讲从充盈的心中涌流出来,直达人心;它发自内在的生命,也在乐于领受的听众里面点燃生命——一种新的、属神的生命。这是最纯正意义上的奋兴布道。《使徒行传》保存了彼得和保罗所作的几篇见证,作为这种原始基督教见证的实例。

从广义上说,使徒书信也可以视为讲道,不过它们是写给信徒的,旨在滋养已经栽植的基督徒生命。

  1. 诵读旧约经文,22 并作切合实际的讲解和应用;这是从犹太会堂移入基督教会的。23 后来又适时加入了新约选读经文,也就是正典福音书和使徒书信的经文;这些书信大多是写给整个会众的,原本就打算供公开使用。24 使徒去世以后,他们的著作代替了他们口头的教导和劝勉,对教会的重要性倍增,在敬拜中的使用也远比旧约频繁。

  2. 祷告,包括祈求、代求和感恩等各种形式。这同样承袭自犹太教,事实上,甚至一切异教也都以祷告为基本要素;但如今,人开始奉耶稣的名,以儿女般的信赖,向已经与人和好的父祈祷,为各阶层、各处境的人,甚至为仇敌和逼迫者祷告。最初的基督徒在公共和私人生活中,每逢重要行动,都伴以这一神圣礼仪;保罗也劝勉读者要“不住地祷告”。在庄严的场合,他们禁食祷告,以帮助自己专心敬虔,虽然新约没有任何地方直接吩咐人禁食。25 他们照着圣灵的感动,按具体的需要和处境,自由地从心里祷告。《使徒行传》第四章就有一个实例。没有任何迹象表明当时存在一种统一而排他的礼拜仪式;这样的仪式与使徒教会的活力和自由是不相容的。同时,根据犹太人的惯例、主对他所赐祷告范本的指示、26 最初基督徒之间强烈的团契意识,以及古代教会的礼仪精神,我们可以确实推知,他们经常使用诗篇和简短的祷文,如主祷文;因为若无使徒时期及使徒后时期的某些先例,这种礼仪精神就不可能在东西方如此普遍地盛行。最古老的形式,是《十二使徒遗训》(Didache) 中的圣餐祷文,以及《革利免一书》中为执政者所作的祈求;后者与尼禄和图密善残酷的敌意,构成了极其美好的对照。27

  3. 歌唱,这是祷告的一种形式,披着诗歌的节庆盛装,运用受默感而发的崇高语言,使会众的虔敬达到最高境界,并使他们得以参与众圣徒在天上的和声。这种形式随着旧约诗篇——那些取之不尽的属灵经历、造就和安慰的宝库——直接从圣殿和会堂进入基督教会。主自己在设立圣餐时,率先将唱诗引入新约,28 保罗也明确吩咐信徒唱“诗章、颂词、灵歌”,作为彼此造就的途径。29 然而,对于这份承自往昔的宝贵遗产,直到如今,人们才在新约启示的光照下首次充分认识其价值;教会又以起初爱心的热忱,加上原创而具有鲜明基督教特色的诗章、颂歌、颂荣和祝福,为随后各世纪的圣诗和圣乐提供了极其丰富的素材。例如,救主降生时天军的歌唱;30 西面的“Nunc dimittis”(《西面颂》);31 童贞女马利亚的“Magnificat”(《尊主颂》);32 撒迦利亚的“Benedictus”(《撒迦利亚颂》);33 彼得蒙神迹拯救后的感恩;34 使徒教会中的说方言,无论是歌唱还是祷告,总是使用热忱洋溢的崇高语言;散见于各书信的颂歌片段;35 以及《启示录》中抒情和礼仪性的段落、颂荣与应答歌。36

  4. 信仰告白。上述一切敬拜行为,也都是信心的行为。第一个明确的信仰告白,是彼得见证耶稣是基督,是永生神的儿子。其次是三一的洗礼公式。由此逐渐产生了所谓的《使徒信经》(Apostles’ Creed),其结构同样以三一为纲,却将关于基督的告白置于中心,并给予最大的篇幅。它现今的形式虽不能追溯至第四世纪以前,在第二、第三世纪也见于长短不一的各种形式,但其实质完全源于使徒,并且无与伦比地概括了三一上帝的启示中,从创造世界到身体复活的主要事实;其表达又人人可以理解,极其适合公共敬拜和教理问答之用。我们将在第二时期更详尽地论及它。

  5. 最后是圣礼的施行,也就是基督所设立的神圣礼仪;藉着适当的象征和可见的记号,属灵的恩赐与不可见的恩典得以表明、印证,并施予那些配领受的人。

洗礼和圣餐这两项圣礼,是旧约割礼和逾越节所预表的实体,由基督设立,作为新约恩典的有效记号、凭据和施恩途径。两者之间的关系,犹如重生与成圣,或基督徒生命的开始与成长。新约提及的其他宗教礼仪,如坚振礼和按立礼,在尊荣上不能与圣礼并列,因为它们并非基督所命定的。

§ 54. 洗礼

参考文献

有关《马太福音》28:19;《马可福音》16:16;《约翰福音》3:5;《使徒行传》2:38;8:13、16、18、37;《罗马书》6:4;《加拉太书》3:27;《提多书》3:5;《彼得前书》3:21的注释书。

G. J. 沃修斯 (G. J. Vossius):《洗礼论辩二十篇》(De Baptismo Disputationes XX)。阿姆斯特丹,1648年。

W. 沃尔 (W. Wall,圣公会):《婴儿洗礼史》(The History of Infant Baptism)(一部极博学的著作),1705年初版于伦敦,2卷;最佳版本由 H. 科顿 (H. Cotton) 编订,牛津,1836年,4卷,以及1862年,2卷,合刊盖尔(Gale,浸礼宗)的《反思》与《沃尔的辩护》(Reflections and Wall’s Defense)。施洛瑟 (Schlosser) 所译拉丁文本,第I卷于1743年在不来梅出版,第II卷于1753年在汉堡出版。

F. 布伦纳 (F. Brenner,罗马天主教):《从基督至今洗礼施行的历史叙述》(Geschichtliche Darstellung der Verrichtung der Taufe von Christus his auf unsere Zeiten)。班贝格,1818年。

摩西·斯图亚特 (Moses Stuart,公理宗):《新约所规定的基督教洗礼方式》(Mode of Christian Baptism Prescribed in the New Testament)。安多弗,1833年(1876年重印)。

赫夫林 (Höfling,路德宗):《洗礼圣礼》(Das Sacrament der Taufe)。埃尔朗根,1846年及1848年,2卷。

塞缪尔·米勒 (Samuel Miller,长老宗):《婴儿洗礼合乎圣经与理性;点水或浇水洗礼是最适宜且最能造就人的方式》(Infant Baptism Scriptural and Reasonable; And Baptism By Sprinkling Or Affusion, The Most Suitable and Edifying Mode)。费城,1840年。

亚历克斯·卡森 (Alex. Carson,浸礼宗):《洗礼的方式与对象》(Baptism in its Mode and Subjects)。伦敦,1844年;美国第5版,费城,1850年。

亚历克斯·坎贝尔 (Alex. Campbell,基督门徒教会的创立者,该教会教导浸水洗礼就是重生):《基督教洗礼及其前因后果》(Christian Baptism, with its Antecedents and Consequents)。伯大尼,1848年;辛辛那提,1876年。

T. J. 科南特 (T. J. Conant,浸礼宗):《为美国〈圣经〉公会(浸礼宗)从语文学及历史角度考察洗礼的含义与用法》(The Meaning and Use of Baptism Philologically and Historically Investigated for the American (Baptist) Bible Union)。纽约,1861年。

詹姆斯·W. 戴尔 (James W. Dale,长老宗,卒于1881年):《古典文献中的洗礼:考察 baptizo 一词的含义》(Classic Baptism. An inquiry into the meaning of the word baptizo.)。费城,1867年。《犹太教的洗礼》(Judaic Baptism),1871年。《约翰的洗礼》(Johannic Baptism),1872年。《基督与教父的洗礼》(Christic and Patristic Baptism),1874年。共4卷。反对浸水说。

R. 英厄姆 (R. Ingham,浸礼宗):《基督教洗礼手册》(A Handbook on Christian Baptism),分2部。伦敦,1868年。

D. B. 福特 (D. B. Ford,浸礼宗):《洗礼研究》(Studies on Baptism)。纽约,1879年。(反驳戴尔。)

G. D. 阿姆斯特朗 (G. D. Armstrong,弗吉尼亚州诺福克的长老宗牧师):《基督所设立的新约圣礼》(The Sacraments of the New Testament, as Instituted by Christ)。纽约,1880年。(通俗著作。)

斯坦利座堂主任牧师 (Dean Stanley):《基督教制度》(Christian Institutions)。伦敦及纽约,1881年。第I章。

关于洗礼的(使徒后时期)考古研究,参见马尔泰纳 (Martene)(《古代教会礼仪》,De Antiquis Eccles. Ritibus)、戈阿尔 (Goar)(《希腊教会祈祷书》,Euchologion Graecorum)、宾厄姆 (Bingham)、奥古斯蒂 (Augusti)、宾特里姆 (Binterim)、西格尔 (Siegel)、马蒂尼 (Martigny),以及史密斯与奇瑟姆 (Smith and Cheetham) 的考古学著作(《基督教古物辞典》,Dict. of Christ. Ant,第I卷,第155页及后)。

关于地下墓窟中的洗礼图画,参见德罗西 (De Rossi)、加鲁奇 (Garrucci) 的著作,以及沙弗 (Schaff) 论《十二使徒遗训》(Didache) 的著作,第36页及后。

  1. 洗礼的观念。洗礼由基督在升天前不久庄严设立,吩咐人奉父、子、圣灵的名施行。它取代了割礼,作为教会成员身份的记号和印证。它是作基督门徒的外在标志,也是进入恩典之约的入门礼。它是悔改(归信)、罪得赦免,以及靠圣灵大能重生的圣礼。37 按其本质,洗礼只应领受一次。它使悔改的罪人加入有形教会,使他有权享有这一团契的一切特权,也使他有义务履行其中的一切责任。若缺少悔改与信心的条件,祝福就会变为咒诅(如同圣餐和圣道的宣讲一样);上帝原定作为叫人活的香气,便因人的不忠而成为叫人死的死气。

有人根据《约翰福音》3:5和《马可福音》16:16,推论洗礼是得救所必需的;然而,我们固然受上帝所定规例的约束,上帝自己却是自由的,可以随己意拯救任何人,也可以使用任何途径施行拯救。教会始终坚持这一原则:单单缺少圣礼并不使人被定罪,惟有藐视圣礼才使人被定罪。否则,一切未受洗便夭折的婴孩都将灭亡。圣奥古斯丁和罗马教会,的确曾从洗礼被认为是绝对必需这一前提,推导出这种可怕的教义;但这与福音的精神,以及基督对待孩童的态度直接冲突,因为天国正是属于这样的人。

这一圣礼首次按其完整的基督教意义施行,是在教会诞生之日,使徒首次独立宣讲之后。约翰的洗礼更多具有消极的性质,只是为圣灵的洗礼作预备。按理论而言,基督教洗礼之前是归信,即人以悔改和信心离罪归向上帝的行动;之后是重生,即上帝赦免罪,并施行内在洁净与更新的行动。然而在实际中,外在的记号与内在的状态及果效并不总是一致;行邪术的西门 (Simon Magus) 是受了水洗却未受圣灵之洗的例子,哥尼流 (Cornelius) 则是在施用水礼以前便已领受圣灵的例子。就婴孩而言,归信作为意志的自觉行动,既不可能,也无必要。就成人而言,在这一庄严礼仪之前,先有福音的宣讲,或对福音主要事实的简要教导,之后再更加深入地灌输使徒的教义。后来,接纳归信者必须十分谨慎,教理教导与考验的时期便大为延长。

  1. 洗礼通常采用的形式是浸水。这可从希腊文 βαπτίζειν 和 βαπτισμός 的原义推知;38 也可从约翰在约旦河施洗的类比推知;还可从使徒将这神圣礼仪比作神迹般地经过红海、方舟脱离洪水、洁净而使人舒畅的沐浴,以及埋葬与复活推知;最后,也可从古代教会的一般惯例推知,这惯例在东方一直延续至今。39 不过,在很早的时候,对患病和垂死的人,以及一切无法全身或部分浸水的情形,也施行洒水礼,或者更确切地说,施行大量浇水的洗礼。有些作者认为,五旬节那三千人首次受洗时,情形便是如此;因为耶路撒冷的供水和私人浴池都很不足,汲沦溪 (Kedron) 只是一条小溪,夏季又会干涸;不过,城中也有若干水池和蓄水池。在希腊化时代的用法中,有关词语有时也可具有洗涤、沐浴、洒水和礼仪性洁净等较广的含义。40 毫无疑问,浸水比浇水或洒水更能完整地表达洗礼作为全人洁净与更新的观念;但以水的数量或性质,或用水的方式,来限制圣灵的运行,并不符合福音的精神。水是圣灵洁净与重生能力的恰当象征,因此是洗礼绝对必需的;但水多水少、冷暖、淡咸,取自河流、蓄水池还是泉源,相对而言都无关紧要,不能影响这一礼仪的有效性。

  2. 关于洗礼的对象:不但浸信会 (Baptists),就连许多赞成婴孩洗礼的神学家,也否认婴孩洗礼源于使徒。浸信会断言,婴孩洗礼违背这圣礼本身的观念,因而是一种不合圣经的败坏。他们说,洗礼必然以教会宣讲福音,以及领受礼仪的人悔改并相信为先决条件;婴孩既不能明白所传的道,也不能悔改相信,就不是洗礼的适当对象,因为洗礼只为成年的归信者而设。诚然,使徒教会是一个宣教的教会,必须先建立一个母体群体,惟有在其中,洗礼的恩典才能借着基督教教育得到培育。因此,即使在旧约之下,割礼也是先施于成年的亚伯拉罕;同样,如今所有在异教地区工作的基督教宣教士,也都从传道和为成人施洗开始。诚然,新约没有为婴孩施洗的明确命令;这样的命令也不符合福音自由的精神。在政教联合以前,也没有强制或普遍施行的婴孩洗礼;第一位基督徒皇帝君士坦丁 (Constantine) 将洗礼推迟到临终才领受(正如今日许多人推迟悔改一样);即使在君士坦丁以后,也有一些杰出教师,如拿先斯的贵格利 (Gregory Nazianzen)、奥古斯丁 (Augustin)、金口约翰 (Chrysostom),虽有基督徒母亲,却直到成年初期归信时才受洗。

然而,新约更没有禁止婴孩洗礼;若婴孩洗礼不当,鉴于犹太人普遍在婴孩出生后第八日以割礼使其加入旧约团契的习俗,我们本可期待新约加以禁止。

相反,我们有推定性的和确实的论据,支持婴孩洗礼的使徒起源与性质。首先,割礼确实预表了洗礼,正如逾越节预表圣餐一样;其次,基督徒父母与儿女之间有着有机的关系;新约的性质比旧约更为广泛包容;基督作为一切性别、阶层和年龄之人的救赎主,其功效普及所有人,尤其是他自己的婴孩时期具有重要意义,救赎并圣化了婴孩的年龄;他明确邀请孩童到他那里,保证他们有分于天国,因此,他必不会使他们缺少这种成员身份的记号与印证;他设立洗礼的话,显然着眼于使整国整族,而不仅是个别人归于基督,其中自然包括孩童;彼得在首次施行洗礼时,明确宣告这赦罪和赐下圣灵的应许是给犹太人“和他们的儿女”的;新约记载了五次全家受洗,其中大多数家庭有孩童的可能性,远比所有家庭都没有孩童的可能性大;最后,早期教会普遍施行婴孩洗礼,德尔图良 (Tertullian) 孤立的抗议,并不比他其他古怪见解和孟他努派 (Montanistic) 的特异主张更有证明力;相反,他的激烈抗议恰恰表明婴孩洗礼已普遍施行。他主张出于审慎而推迟洗礼,免得受洗者再度犯罪,便永远丧失这礼仪所赐的益处;但他从未否认早期受洗的使徒起源或正当性。

不过,我们必须补充说,除非有基督徒父母或监护人的照管,并有基督教教育的保证,否则婴孩洗礼便毫无意义,施行它也是一种亵渎。它还需要由个人献身的行动加以完成:孩童在福音上受到适当教导以后,明白而自由地承认基督,献身服事他,随后庄严地被接纳,完全参与教会的团契,并领受圣餐。有人认为,坚信礼 (confirmation) 最早的痕迹,可以在使徒于洗礼后按手、即象征性地授予圣灵的惯例中找到。41

§ 55. 圣餐

参见关于《马太福音》26:26及后,以及《马可福音》和《路加福音》中平行经文的注释;另参《哥林多前书》10:16、17;11:23及后;《约翰福音》6:47–58、63的注释。

D. 沃特兰 (D. Waterland,圣公会,卒于1740年):《圣餐教义考察》(A Review of the Doctrine of the Eucharist),新版,1868年(《著作集》〔Works〕,第IV、V卷)。

J. 德林格 (J. Döllinger):《最初三个世纪的圣餐教义》(Die Lehre von der Eucharistie in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten)。美因茨 (Mainz),1826年。(罗马天主教。)

埃布拉德 (Ebrard):《圣餐教义及其历史》(Das Dogma vom heil. Abendmahl u. seine Geschichte)。美因河畔法兰克福 (Frankf. a. M.),1845年,2卷,第I卷,第1–231页。(改革宗。)

J. W. 内文 (J. W. Nevin):《奥秘的临在:为改革宗或加尔文派的圣餐教义辩护》(The Mystical Presence. A Vindication of the Reformed or Calvinistic soctrine of the Holy Eucharist)。费城 (Philadelphia),1846年,第199–256页。(改革宗。)

卡尼斯 (Kahnis):《圣餐教义》(Die Lehre vom heil. Abendmahl)。莱比锡 (Leipz.),1851年。(路德宗。)

罗伯特·威尔伯福斯 (Robert Wilberforce):《圣餐教义》(The Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist)。伦敦,1853年。(圣公会,或者更确切地说,属牛津小册子派,或倾向罗马天主教。)

L. Imm. 吕克特 (L. Imm. Ruckert):《圣餐:其本质及其在古代教会中的历史》(Das Abendmahl. Sein Wesen und seine Geschichte in der alten Kirche)。莱比锡 (Leipz.),1856年。(理性主义派。)

E. B. 普西 (E. B. Pusey):《从圣约翰至第四次大公会议诸教父著作中的真实临在教义》(The Doctrine of the Real Presence, as contained in the Fathers, from St. John to the Fourth General Council)。牛津,1855年。(圣公会大公派。)

菲利普·弗里曼 (Philip Freeman):《崇拜的原则》(The Principles of Divine Service)。伦敦,1855–1862年,分两部。(圣公会;包含许多关于古代大公教会圣餐崇拜的历史研究。)

Thos. S. L. 沃根 (Thos. S. L. Vogan):《圣餐的真正教义》(The True Doctrine of the Eucharist)。伦敦,1871年。

约翰·哈里森 (John Harrison):《答普西博士关于真实临在教义的挑战》(An Answer to Dr. Pusey’s Challenge respecting the Doctrine of the Real Presence)。伦敦,1871年,2卷。(圣公会低教会派。包括圣经及最初八个世纪的教义。)

斯坦利座堂主任牧师 (Dean Stanley):《基督教制度》(Christian Institutions),伦敦及纽约,1881年,第IV、V、VI章。(他采纳慈运理派的观点,论及1529年的马尔堡会议时说:“凡是能为设立圣餐之言的教条式、粗陋而拘泥字面的解释辩护的话,那位顽固的撒克逊人都以极其激烈的言辞和姿态提出了。凡是能为合乎理性、精致而属灵的解释辩护的话,那位头脑清醒的瑞士人都以极其敏锐而又温和的方式提出了。”)

L. 古德 (L. Gude,丹麦路德宗):《圣餐》(Den hellige Nadvere)。哥本哈根,1887年,2卷。兼论释经与历史。书评见卢塔特 (Luthardt) 的《神学文献报》(Theol. Literaturblatt.),1889年,第14期及后。

圣餐这一圣礼,是基督在最庄严的情境下设立的;那时,他即将献上自己为祭,以拯救世人。它是一个筵席,使人满怀感恩地记念并领受他赎罪之死的益处,使信徒与他有生命的联合,也彼此相交。正如逾越节使人鲜明地记得那神迹般地脱离为奴之地的拯救,同时又指向将要来到的上帝的羔羊;圣餐也照样将如今已经成就的、脱离罪与死的救赎表明、印证并施予人,直到世界的末了。在这里,基督教最深的奥秘不断重新得到体现,十字架的事迹重现在我们面前。在这里,喂饱五千人的神迹在属灵意义上延续下去。在这里,那坐在上帝右边、却又真实临在于他教会中直到世界末了的基督,将他为我们献上的身体和宝血,也就是他自己、他的生命,以及他赎罪之死的功效,作为属灵的食物,作为从天上来的真粮,赐给一切经过适当自省、饥渴赴这天上筵席的人。因此,圣餐始终被视为基督教崇拜最内在的圣所。

在使徒时期,圣餐每天举行,并与一种出于弟兄之爱的简单聚餐,即爱筵 ((agape)) 相连;基督徒在其中与他们共同的救赎主相交,忘却地位、财富和教养的一切差别,感到自己同属上帝的一个家庭。然而,随着教会人数增加,这种孩童般纯真的弟兄合一表现变得越来越困难,并导致种种弊端,正如我们所见保罗在哥林多人中责备的那些事。因此,爱筵逐渐与圣餐分离,并在第二、第三世纪期间渐渐消失;其实,爱筵和耶路撒冷的财物公用一样,都不是律法所强令的。

使徒要求基督徒42以自省来预备领受圣餐,也就是认真省察自己是否有悔改与信心;没有这些,他们不但不能从圣礼领受祝福,反而招致上帝的审判。这一警戒产生了一个合宜的习俗,即在圣餐之前举行特别的预备聚会。

随着时间的推移,这神圣的爱之筵席,竟像洗礼这圣礼,甚至像基督自身的位格一样,成了激烈争论的对象。对于设立圣餐的简单话语(“这是我的身体”等),有三种不同的解释,由此推导出三种彼此冲突的理论——化质说 (transubstantiation)、同质说 (consubstantiation) 和基督属灵临在说 (spiritual presence)。然而,使徒当时亲自在主面前,又记得他曾警告他们,不可按属肉体的意思误解他关于吃他肉的讲论,实在不大可能误解这些话。43中世纪及十六世纪的圣餐争论,是基督教历史上最无益于造就、最少结果的争论之一。然而,这些争论也不可能全然徒劳。各种理论各自代表着某些真理的成分;这些成分虽被经院哲学的繁琐辨析所遮蔽或歪曲,却仍可以得到净化,并彼此结合。圣餐是:(1)一种纪念性的礼仪,记念基督在十字架上所献的赎罪之祭;(2)信徒与救主有生命联合的筵席,借此他们真实地,也就是在属灵上、凭着信心,领受基督和他一切的恩惠,并以他的生命为滋养,直到永生;(3)信徒作为基督同一奥秘身体的肢体,彼此相交;(4)向基督献上我们自身和服事的感恩祭或感谢祭,因为他为我们死,为要使我们为他而活。

幸而,圣餐的福分并不取决于对设立圣餐之话语的经院式解释和理解,而在于主的应许,以及对他如孩童般的信心。因此,即使在今日,分属不同宗派、持有不同意见的基督徒,仍能一同围聚在他们共同的主和救主的桌前,感到自己与他合一,并在他里面彼此合一。

§ 56. 神圣的场所

上帝是无所不在的灵,宇宙就是他的殿,因此,人虽可在宇宙各处敬拜他,44但我们有限而依赖感官的本性,以及共同敬拜的需要,仍要求有专门奉献给他、供敬拜之用的场所或圣所。最初的基督徒效法主的榜样,只要他们与摩西制度的关系仍容许,就经常前往耶路撒冷的圣殿和各会堂。不过,除此以外,他们从一开始也在私人住宅中聚会,尤其为举行圣餐和爱筵。教会本身就是在五旬节那日,在一所简陋住宅的楼房上建立的。

教会中显要的成员和最初的归信者,如耶路撒冷约翰·马可的母亲马利亚、凯撒利亚 (Caesarea) 的哥尼流、腓立比 (Philippi) 的吕底亚、帖撒罗尼迦 (Thessalonica) 的耶孙、哥林多 (Corinth) 的犹士都、以弗所 (Ephesus) 的百基拉、歌罗西 (Colosse) 的腓利门,都乐意开放自己的住宅,供众人共同敬拜。在罗马这样的大城市,基督徒群体分为若干个这样的家庭聚会,45然而,书信总是把他们作为一个整体来称呼。

使徒时期的基督徒不可能建造专门的礼拜堂;即使不说他们普遍贫穷,单是他们遭受犹太人和外邦人的逼迫,就足以排除这种可能;而整座会堂归信新信仰的情形,无疑也极为罕见。正如世界的救主生于马厩,又从山上升天,他的使徒以及直到第三世纪的继承者,也是在街道、市场、山上、船中、坟墓、洞穴、旷野,以及归信者的家中传道。然而,此后世界各地,为尊荣那位被钉十字架的救赎主,已经建造、并且仍在不断建造多少成千上万座华贵的教堂和礼拜堂!他在降卑的日子里,却连自己的枕头之地也没有!46

§ 57. 神圣的时日——主日

参考文献

乔治·霍尔登 (George Holden):《基督教的安息日》(The Christian Sabbath)。伦敦,1825年。(见第V章。)

W. 亨斯滕贝格 (W. Henstenberg):《主日》(The Lord’s Day)。詹姆斯·马丁 (James Martin) 由德文译出,伦敦,1853年。(纯属释经之作;维护欧洲大陆的观点,但主张在实践中更好地遵守主日。)

约翰·T. 贝利 (John T. Baylee):《安息日史》(History of the Sabbath)。伦敦,1857年。(见第X、XIII章。)

詹姆斯·奥古斯特·赫西 (James Aug. Hessey):《星期日:其起源、历史及今日遵守的义务——牛津大学班普顿讲座》(Sunday: Its Origin, History, and Present Obligation. Bampton Lectures, preached before the University of Oxford),伦敦,1860年。(援引教父的证据,维护以主日为本及温和的圣公会观点,既有别于欧洲大陆的宽纵观点,也有别于清教徒严守安息日的观点。)

詹姆斯·吉尔菲兰 (James Gilfillan):《从理性、启示与历史之光看安息日,附相关文献概述》(The Sabbath viewed in the Light of Reason, Revelation, and History, with Sketches of its Literature)。爱丁堡 (Edinb.),1861年;美国福音单张协会 (Am. Tract Society) 与“纽约安息日委员会”(New York Sabbath Committee) 于1862年在纽约重印并广泛发行。(对清教徒及苏格兰长老会关于基督教安息日的理论,作了最详尽、最有力的辩护,尤其着重其实践方面。)

罗伯特·考克斯 (Robert Cox,F.S.A.):《安息日法规与安息日义务》(Sabbath Laws and Sabbath Duties.)。爱丁堡,1853年。同一作者:《安息日问题文献》(The Literature of the Sabbath Question)。爱丁堡,1865年,2卷。(兼具历史与文献性质,持宽容立场。)

Th. 察恩 (Th. Zahn):《古代教会的主日史》(Geschichte des Sonntags in der alten Kirche)。汉诺威 (Hannover),1878年。

英语中有极其丰富的安息日文献,多具通俗和实用性质。关于英美对基督教安息日的理论及其历史,可参阅作者的论文《英美的安息日》(The Anglo-American Sabbath),纽约,1863年(有英文和德文版);纽约安息日委员会 (New York Sabbath Committee) 在1857–1886年间的出版物;威尔·C. 伍德 (Will. C. Wood) 编《安息日论文集》(Sabbath Essays),波士顿(公理会出版协会,Congreg. Publ. Soc.),1879年;以及 A. E. 沃弗尔 (A. E. Waffle):《主日》(The Lord’s Day),费城 (Philad.),1886年。

正如每一个地方一样,每一天、每一个时辰对上帝也同样是神圣的;他充满一切空间和时间,人可以随时随地敬拜他。然而,我们地上生活所必有的限制,以及群体和公共敬拜的性质,使专设神圣时日的做法应运而生。使徒教会大体沿袭犹太人的惯例,却除去了其中的迷信,并赋予它信心与自由的精神。

  1. 因此,除了不受时间约束的纯属个人的灵修之外,信徒也习惯遵守犹太人每日祷告的时辰,尤其是早晨和晚上。

  2. 主日取代了犹太人的安息日,成为每周公共敬拜的日子。实质保留了,形式却改变了。每周定期设立一日,使身体和灵魂得享安息,这一制度植根于我们的身体和道德本性,与人类同样古老,正如婚姻一样,可以追溯到乐园之中。47我们的主那句深刻的话,已包含这一层意思:“安息日是为人设立的。”

这一制度被纳入十诫,也就是道德律法之中;基督来不是要废掉这律法,乃是要成全。若从中删去一条诫命,就必损害其余一切诫命。

与此同时,犹太人的安息日又被许多民族性和礼仪性的限制所围绕;这些限制原非为永久存留而设,却逐渐被抬高到如此显要的地位,以致遮蔽了安息日重大的道德目的,使人成为安息日的奴仆,而不是使安息日为人服务。被掳以后,在法利赛人手中,它与其说是一项特权和福分,不如说成了律法的束缚。基督作为安息日的主,反对这种机械的礼仪主义,恢复了这一制度的真实精神和仁慈目的。48当法利赛人那种奴役人、迷信而又自以为义的严守安息日主义,悄悄进入加拉太众教会,并被当作称义的条件时,保罗便斥责这是重新陷入犹太教。49

这日子由一周的第七日移到第一日,并非根据某项特定的命令,而是出于福音自由的精神,以及构成基督教会根基的若干重大事实的力量。正是在这一天,基督从死里复活;向马利亚、往以马忤斯的门徒,以及聚集的众使徒显现;浇灌他的圣灵,建立教会;50又向他所爱的门徒启示未来的奥秘。因此,早在使徒时期,一周的第一日就已被尊称为“主日”。在这一天,保罗与特罗亚 (Troas) 的门徒聚集,讲道直到半夜。他吩咐加拉太和哥林多的基督徒,在这一天按各人的力量,为慈善目的献上每周的捐项;这无疑是与敬拜聚会相连的。因此,从新约本身就可看出,星期日被守为敬拜的日子,特别记念基督的复活,救赎之工借此得以完成。51

第二世纪普遍而无异议地遵守主日,只有一个事实能够解释,就是这种做法植根于使徒的实践。这样的遵守更值得珍视,因为在君士坦丁 (Constantine) 时代以前,民事立法并不予以支持;而且,考虑到大多数基督徒社会地位卑微,又依赖异教的主人和雇主,遵守主日必定带来许多不便。于是,经过一种平易而自然的转变,星期日成为基督教的安息日,或每周休息的日子;它既应验了犹太人安息日的预表意义,本身又成为上帝子民在天上迦南永享安息的预表。52在福音的安排中,安息日并不是贬低一周其余的日子,而是把这些日子提升到更高的层次,以使一切时间和一切工作都分别为圣。它不是律法礼仪的束缚,而是宝贵的恩典之赐,是一项特权,是在世界的纷扰中安息于上帝里面,是在与上帝相交、与众圣徒团契中使心灵重新得力的日子,是对天上永无止境之安息日的预尝和凭据。

在恰当地遵守主日这一点上,英格兰、苏格兰和美国的众教会胜过欧洲大陆的众教会,并由此获得不可估量的益处。这样的遵守是一所施行有益管教的学校,是使民众蒙恩的途径,是公共道德和宗教的保障,是抵御不信的堡垒,也是教会、国家和家庭无量福分的源泉。仅次于教会和圣经,主日是基督教社会的主要支柱。

犹太基督徒除了遵守基督教的主日,也遵守他们古老的安息日,直到耶路撒冷被毁。此后,这一犹太习惯只在伊便尼派 (Ebionites) 和拿撒勒派 (Nazarenes) 中继续存留。

正如主日专为记念救主的复活,被守为感恩和喜乐的日子,星期五也至迟在第二世纪——即使不是更早——开始被守为悔改的日子,人们以祷告和禁食,记念基督的受苦和受死。

  1. 每年的节期。使徒著作对于遵守这些节期,并无直接或间接的命令,正如十诫也没有为它们提供根据一样。但基督曾遵守这些节期,而其中的逾越节和五旬节,很容易经历一种转变,类似于犹太安息日转变为基督教的安息日。将书信中的一些暗示53,与第二世纪教会普遍而无异议的惯例相互参照,就可以推断,每年记念基督受死、复活及圣灵浇灌的庆典,起源于使徒时期。事实上,那被钉十字架、已经复活并活在教会中的基督,是早期基督徒全心专注的唯一思想;这一思想既表现为每周遵守主日,也就很自然地会把旧约中两个具有预表意义的大节期,转变为基督教的复活节和圣灵降临节。第二世纪的逾越节争论,所涉及的不是要不要守复活节,而是在什么时候守;士每拿的坡旅甲 (Polycarp of Smyrna) 和罗马的阿尼塞图 (Anicet of Rome),都把各自的习俗追溯到使徒本身在实践上一个无关紧要的差异。

至于其他每年的节期,新约中连最微小的痕迹也没有。圣诞节于第四世纪出现,是教会年这一观念自然发展的结果,成为一种按年代次序排列的民众信经。随着尼西亚 (Nicene) 及后尼西亚时期圣徒崇拜的传播,记念马利亚、使徒、圣徒和殉道者的节期逐渐接踵而来,直到几乎每一天都先成为圣日,继而成为假日。正如圣徒遮蔽了主,圣徒的节日也遮蔽了主日。

Original Text

CHAPTER IX. WORSHIP IN THE APOSTOLIC AGE.

Literature.

Th Harnack: Der christliche Gemeindegottesdienst im Apost. und altkathol. Zeitalter. Erlangen, 1854. The same: Prakt. Theol., I. 1877.

P. Probst (R. C.): Liturgie der drei ersten Jahrhunderte. Tüb., 1870.

W. L. Volz: Anfänge des christl. Gottesdienstes, in "Stud. und Krit." 1872.

H. Jacoby: Die constitutiven Factoren des Apost. Gottesdienstes, in "Jahrb. für deutsche Theol." for 1873.

C. Weizsäcker: Die Versammlungen der ältesten Christengemeinden, 1876; and Das Apost. Zeitalter, 1886, pp. 566 sqq.

Th Zahn: Gesch. des Sonntags in der alten Kirche. Hann., 1878.

Schaff: Hist. of the Apost. Ch., pp. 545–586.

Comp. the Lit. on Ch. X., and on the Didache, vol. II. 184.

§ 51. The Synagogue.

Campeg. Vitringa (d. at Franeker, 1722): De Synagoga Vetere libri tres. Franeker, 1696. 2 vols. (also Weissenfels, 1726). A standard work, full of biblical and rabbinical learning. A condensed translation by J. L. Bernard: The Synagogue and the Church. London, 1842.

C. Bornitius: De Synagogis veterum Hebraeorum. Vitemb., 1650. And in Ugolinus: Thesaurus Antiquitatum sacrarum (Venet., 1744–69), vol. XXI. 495–539.

Ant. Th. Hartmann: Die enge Verbindung des A. Testamenes mit dem Neuen. Hamburg, 1831 (pp. 225–376).

Zunz (a Jewish Rabbi): Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der Juden. Berlin, 1832

The Histories of the Jews, by Jost, Herzfeld, and Milman.

The Histories of N. T. Times, by Hausrath (I. 73 sqq. 2d ed.) and Schürer (463–475, and the literature there given).

Art. "Synag.," by Ginsburg in "Kitto"; Plumptre: in "Smith" (with additions by Hackett, IV. 3133, Am. ed.); Leyrer in "Herzog" (XV. 299, first ed.); Kneuker in "Schenkel" (V. 443).

As the Christian Church rests historically on the Jewish Church, so Christian worship and the congregational organization rest on that of the synagogue, and cannot be well understood without it.

The synagogue was and is still an institution of immense conservative power. It was the local centre of the religious and social life of the Jews, as the temple of Jerusalem was the centre of their national life. It was a school as well as a church, and the nursery and guardian of all that is peculiar in this peculiar people. It dates probably from the age of the captivity and of Ezra.(1) It was fully organized at the time of Christ and the apostles, and used by them as a basis of their public instruction.(2) It survived the temple, and continues to this day unaltered in its essential features, the chief nursery and protection of the Jewish nationality and religion.(3)

The term "synagogue" (like our word church) signifies first the congregation, then also the building where the congregation meet for public worship.(4) Every town, however small, had a synagogue, or at least a place of prayer in a private house or in the open air (usually near a river or the sea-shore, on account of the ceremonial washings). Ten men were sufficient to constitute a religious assembly. "Moses from generations of old hath in every city them that preach him, being read in the synagogues every Sabbath."(5) To erect a synagogue was considered a work of piety and public usefulness.(6) In large cities, as Alexandria and Rome, there were many; in Jerusalem, about four hundred for the various sects and the Hellenists from different countries.(7)

  1. The building was a plain, rectangular ball of no peculiar style of architecture, and in its inner arrangement somewhat resembling the Tabernacle and the Temple. It had benches, the higher ones ("the uppermost seats") for the elders and richer members,(8) a reading-desk or pulpit, and a wooden ark or closet for the sacred rolls (called "Copheret" or Mercy Seat, also "Aaron"). The last corresponded to the Holy of Holies in the Tabernacle and the Temple. A sacred light was kept burning as a symbol of the divine law, in imitation of the light in the Temple, but there is no mention made of it in the Talmud. Other lamps were brought in by devout worshippers at the beginning of the Sabbath (Friday evening). Alms-boxes were provided near the door, as in the Temple, one for the poor in Jerusalem, another for local charities. Paul imitated the example by collecting alms for the poor Christians in Jerusalem.

There was no artistic (except vegetable) ornamentation; for the second commandment strictly forbids all images of the Deity as idolatrous. In this, as in many other respects, the Mohammedan mosque, with its severe iconoclastic simplicity, is a second edition of the synagogue. The building was erected on the most elevated spot of the neighborhood, and no house was allowed to overtop it. In the absence of a commanding site, a tall pole from the roof rendered it conspicuous.(9)

  1. Organization.—Every synagogue had a president,(10) a number of elders (Zekenim) equal in rank,(11) a reader and interpreter,(12) one or more envoys or clerks, called "messengers" (Sheliach),(13) and a sexton or beadle (Chazzan) for the humbler mechanical services.(14) There were also deacons (Gabae zedaka) for the collection of alms in money and produce. Ten or more wealthy men at leisure, called Batlanim, represented the congregation at every service. Each synagogue formed an independent republic, but kept up a regular correspondence with other synagogues. It was also a civil and religious court, and had power to excommunicate and to scourge offenders.(15)

  2. Worship.—It was simple, but rather long, and embraced three elements, devotional, didactic, and ritualistic. It included prayer, song, reading, and exposition of the Scripture, the rite of circumcision, and ceremonial washings. The bloody sacrifices were confined to the temple and ceased with its destruction; they were fulfilled in the eternal sacrifice on the cross. The prayers and songs were chiefly taken from the Psalter, which may be called the first liturgy and hymn book.

The opening prayer was called the Shema or Keriath Shema, and consisted of two introductory benedictions, the reading of the Ten Commandments (afterward abandoned) and several sections of the Pentateuch, namely, Deut. 6:4–9; 11:13–21; Num. 15:37–41. Then followed the eighteen prayers and benedictions (Berachoth). This is one of them: "Bestow peace, happiness, blessing, grace, mercy, and compassion upon us and upon the whole of Israel, thy people. Our Father, bless us all unitedly with the light of thy countenance, for in the light of thy countenance didst thou give to us, O Lord our God, the law of life, lovingkindness, justice, blessing, compassion, life, and peace. May it please thee to bless thy people lsrael at all times, and in every moment, with peace. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who blessest thy people Israel with peace." These benedictions are traced in the Mishna to the one hundred and twenty elders of the Great Synagogue. They were no doubt of gradual growth, some dating from the Maccabean struggles, some from the Roman ascendancy. The prayers were offered by a reader, and the congregation responded "Amen." This custom passed into the Christian church.(16)

The didactic and homiletical part of worship was based on the Hebrew Scriptures. A lesson from the Law (called parasha),(17) and one from the Prophets (haphthara) were read in the original,(18) and followed by a paraphrase or commentary and homily (midrash) in the vernacular Aramaic or Greek. A benediction and the "Amen" of the people closed the service.

As there was no proper priesthood outside of Jerusalem, any Jew of age might get up to read the lessons, offer prayer, and address the congregation. Jesus and the apostles availed themselves of this democratic privilege to preach the gospel, as the fulfilment of the law and the prophets.(19) The strong didactic element which distinguished this service from all heathen forms of worship, had the effect of familiarizing the Jews of all grades, even down to the servant-girls, with their religion, and raising them far above the heathen. At the same time it attracted proselytes who longed for a purer and more spiritual worship.

The days of public service were the Sabbath, Monday, and Thursday; the hours of prayer the third (9 a.m.), the sixth (noon), and the ninth (3 p.m.).(20)

The sexes were divided by a low wall or screen, the men on the one side, the women on the other, as they are still in the East (and in some parts of Europe). The people stood during prayer with their faces turned to Jerusalem.

§ 52. Christian Worship.

Christian worship, or cultus, is the public adoration of God in the name of Christ; the celebration of the communion of believers as a congregation with their heavenly Head, for the glory of the Lord, and for the promotion and enjoyment of spiritual life. While it aims primarily at the devotion and edification of the church itself, it has at the same time a missionary character, and attracts the outside world. This was the case on the Day of Pentecost when Christian worship in its distinctive character first appeared.

As our Lord himself in his youth and manhood worshipped in the synagogue and the temple, so did his early disciples as long as they were tolerated. Even Paul preached Christ in the synagogues of Damascus, Cyprus, Antioch in Pisidia, Amphipolis, Beraeea, Athens, Corinth, Ephesus. He "reasoned with the Jews every sabbath in the synagogues" which furnished him a pulpit and an audience.

The Jewish Christians, at least in Palestine, conformed as closely as possible to the venerable forms of the cultus of their fathers, which in truth were divinely ordained, and were an expressive type of the Christian worship. So far as we know, they scrupulously observed the Sabbath, the annual Jewish feasts, the hours of daily prayer, and the whole Mosaic ritual, and celebrated, in addition to these, the Christian Sunday, the death and the resurrection of the Lord, and the holy Supper. But this union was gradually weakened by the stubborn opposition of the Jews, and was at last entirely broken by the destruction of the temple, except among the Ebionites and Nazarenes.

In the Gentile-Christian congregations founded by Paul, the worship took from the beginning a more independent form. The essential elements of the Old Testament service were transferred, indeed, but divested of their national legal character, and transformed by the spirit of the gospel. Thus the Jewish Sabbath passed into the Christian Sunday; the typical Passover and Pentecost became feasts of the death and resurrection of Christ, and of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit; the bloody sacrifices gave place to the thankful remembrance and appropriation of the one, all-sufficient, and eternal sacrifice of Christ on the cross, and to the personal offering of prayer, intercession, and entire self-consecration to the service of the Redeemer; on the ruins of the temple made without hands arose the never ceasing worship of the omnipresent God in spirit and in truth.(21) So early as the close of the apostolic period this more free and spiritual cultus of Christianity had no doubt become well nigh universal; yet many Jewish elements, especially in the Eastern church, remain to this day.

§ 53. The Several Parts of Worship.

The several parts of public worship in the time of the apostles were as follows:

  1. The Preaching of the gospel. This appears in the first period mostly in the form of a missionary address to the unconverted; that is, a simple, living presentation of the main facts of the life of Jesus, with practical exhortation to repentance and conversion. Christ crucified and risen was the luminous centre, whence a sanctifying light was shed on all the relations of life. Gushing forth from a full heart, this preaching went to the heart; and springing from an inward life, it kindled life—a new, divine life—in the susceptible hearers. It was revival preaching in the purest sense. Of this primitive Christian testimony several examples from Peter and Paul are preserved in the Acts of the Apostles.

The Epistles also may be regarded in the wider sense as sermons, addressed, however, to believers, and designed to nourish the Christian life already planted.

  1. The Reading of portions of the Old Testament,(22) with practical exposition and application; transferred from the Jewish synagogue into the Christian church.(23) To these were added in due time lessons from the New Testament; that is, from the canonical Gospels and the apostolic Epistles, most of which were addressed to whole congregations and originally intended for public use.(24) After the death of the apostles their writings became doubly important to the church, as a substitute for their oral instruction and exhortation, and were much more used in worship than the Old Testament.

  2. Prayer, in its various forms of petition, intercession, and thanksgiving. This descended likewise from Judaism, and in fact belongs essentially even to all heathen religions; but now it began to be offered in childlike confidence to a reconciled Father in the name of Jesus, and for all classes and conditions, even for enemies and persecutors. The first Christians accompanied every important act of their public and private life with this holy rite, and Paul exhorts his readers to "pray without ceasing." On solemn occasions they joined fasting with prayer, as a help to devotion, though it is nowhere directly enjoined in the New Testament.(25) They prayed freely from the heart, as they were moved by the Spirit, according to special needs and circumstances. We have an example in the fourth chapter of Acts. There is no trace of a uniform and exclusive liturgy; it would be inconsistent with the vitality and liberty of the apostolic churches. At the same time the frequent use of psalms and short forms of devotion, as the Lord’s Prayer, may be inferred with certainty from the Jewish custom, from the Lord’s direction respecting his model prayer,(26) from the strong sense of fellowship among the first Christians, and finally from the liturgical spirit of the ancient church, which could not have so generally prevailed both in the East and the West without some apostolic and post-apostolic precedent. The oldest forms are the eucharistic prayers of the Didache, and the petition for rulers in the first Epistle of Clement, which contrasts most beautifully with the cruel hostility of Nero and Domitian.(27)

  3. The Song, a form of prayer, in the festive dress of poetry and the elevated language of inspiration, raising the congregation to the highest pitch of devotion, and giving it a part in the heavenly harmonies of the saints. This passed immediately, with the psalms of the Old Testament, those inexhaustible treasures of spiritual experience, edification, and comfort, from the temple and the synagogue into the Christian church. The Lord himself inaugurated psalmody into the new covenant at the institution of the holy Supper,(28) and Paul expressly enjoined the singing of "psalms and hymns and spiritual songs," as a means of social edification.(29) But to this precious inheritance from the past, whose full value was now for the first time understood in the light of the New Testament revelation, the church, in the enthusiasm of her first love, added original, specifically Christian psalms, hymns, doxologies, and benedictions, which afforded the richest material for Sacred poetry and music in succeeding centuries; the song of the heavenly hosts, for example, at the birth of the Saviour;(30) the "Nunc dimittis" of Simeon;(31) the "Magnificat" of the Virgin Mary;(32) the "Benedictus" of Zacharias;(33) the thanksgiving of Peter after his miraculous deliverance;(34) the speaking with tongues in the apostolic churches, which, whether song or prayer, was always in the elevated language of enthusiasm; the fragments of hymns scattered through the Epistles;(35) and the lyrical and liturgical passages, the doxologies and antiphonies of the Apocalypse.(36)

  4. Confession Of Faith. All the above-mentioned acts of worship are also acts of faith. The first express confession of faith is the testimony of Peter, that Jesus was the Christ, the Son of the living God. The next is the trinitarian baptismal formula. Out of this gradually grew the so-called Apostles’ Creed, which is also trinitarian in structure, but gives the confession of Christ the central and largest place. Though not traceable in its present shape above the fourth century, and found in the second and third in different longer or shorter forms, it is in substance altogether apostolic, and exhibits an incomparable summary of the leading facts in the revelation of the triune God from the creation of the world to the resurrection of the body; and that in a form intelligible to all, and admirably suited for public worship and catechetical use. We shall return to it more fully in the second period.

  5. Finally, the administration of the Sacraments, or sacred rites instituted by Christ, by which, under appropriate symbols and visible signs, spiritual gifts and invisible grace are represented, sealed, and applied to the worthy participators.

The two sacraments of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper, the antitypes of circumcision and the passover under the Old Testament, were instituted by Christ as efficacious signs, pledges, and means of the grace of the new covenant. They are related to each other as regeneration and sanctification, or as the beginning and the growth of the Christian life. The other religious rites mentioned in the New Testament, as confirmation and ordination, cannot be ranked in dignity with the sacraments, as they are not commanded by Christ.

§ 54. Baptism.

Literature.

The commentaries on Matt. 28:19; Mark 16:16; John 3:5; Acts 2:38; 8:13, 16, 18, 37; Rom. 6:4; Gal. 3:27; Tit. 3:5; 1 Pet 3:21.

G. J. Vossius: De Baptismo Disputationes XX. Amsterdam, 1648.

W. Wall (Episcopalian): The History of Infant Baptism (a very learned work), first published in London, 1705, 2 vols., best edition by H. Cotton, Oxford, 1836, 4 vols., and 1862, 2 vols., together with Gale’s (Baptist) Reflections and Wall’s Defense. A Latin translation by Schlosser appeared, vol. I., at Bremen, 1743, and vol. II at Hamburg, 1753.

F. Brenner (R. Cath.): Geschichtliche Darstellung der Verrichtung der Taufe von Christus his auf unsere Zeiten. Bamberg, 1818.

Moses Stuart (Congregat.): Mode of Christian Baptism Prescribed in the New Testament. Andover, 1833 (reprinted 1876).

Höfling (Lutheran): Das Sacrament der Taufe. Erlangen, 1846 and 1848, 2 vols.

Samuel Miller (Presbyterian): Infant Baptism Scriptural and Reasonable; And Baptism By Sprinkling Or Affusion, The Most Suitable and Edifying Mode. Philadelphia, 1840.

Alex. Carson (Baptist): Baptism in its Mode and Subjects. London, 1844; 5th Amer. ed., Philadelphia, 1850.

Alex. Campbell (founder of the Church of the Disciples, who teach that baptism by immersion is regeneration): Christian Baptism, with its Antecedents and Consequents. Bethany, 1848, and Cincinnati, 1876.

T. J. Conant (Baptist): The Meaning and Use of Baptism Philologically and Historically Investigated for the American (Baptist) Bible Union. New York, 1861.

James W. Dale (Presbyterian, d. 1881): Classic Baptism. An inquiry into the meaning of the word baptizo. Philadelphia, 1867. Judaic Baptism, 1871. Johannic Baptism, 1872. Christic and Patristic Baptism, 1874. In all, 4 vols. Against the immersion theory.

R. Ingham (Baptist): A Handbook on Christian Baptism, in 2 parts. London, 1868.

D. B. Ford (Baptist): Studies on Baptism. New York, 1879. (Against Dale.)

G. D. Armstrong (Presbyterian minister at Norfolk, Va.): The Sacraments of the New Testament, as Instituted by Christ. New York, 1880. (Popular.)

Dean Stanley: Christian Institutions. London and Now York, 1881. Chap. I.

On the (post-apostolic) archaeology of baptism see the archaeological works of Martene (De Antiquis Eccles. Ritibus), Goar (Euchologion Graecorum), Bingham, Augusti, Binterim, Siegel, Martigny, and Smith and Cheetham (Dict. of Christ. Ant., I., 155 sqq.).

On the baptismal pictures in the catacombs see the works of De Rossi, Garrucci, and Schaff on the Didache, pp. 36 sqq.

  1. The Idea of Baptism. It was solemnly instituted by Christ, shortly before his ascension, to be performed in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. It took the place of circumcision as a sign and seal of church membership. It is the outward mark of Christian discipleship, the rite of initiation into the covenant of grace. It is the sacrament of repentance (conversion), of remission of sins, and of regeneration by the power of the Holy Spirit.(37) In the nature of the case it is to be received but once. It incorporates the penitent sinner in the visible church, and entitles him to all the privileges, and binds him to all the duties of this communion. Where the condition of repentance and faith is wanting, the blessing (as in the case of the holy Supper, and the preaching of the Word) is turned into a curse, and what God designs as a savor of life unto life becomes, by the unfaithfulness of man, a savor of death unto death.

The necessity of baptism for salvation has been inferred from John 3:5 and Mark 16:16; but while we are bound to God’s ordinances, God himself is free and can save whomsoever and by whatsoever means he pleases. The church has always held the principle that the mere want of the sacrament does not condemn, but only the contempt. Otherwise all unbaptized infants that die in infancy would be lost. This horrible doctrine was indeed inferred by St. Augustin and the Roman church, from the supposed absolute necessity of baptism, but is in direct conflict with the spirit of the gospel and Christ’s treatment of children, to whom belongs the kingdom of heaven.

The first administration of this sacrament in its full Christian sense took place on the birthday of the church, after the first independent preaching of the apostles. The baptism of John was more of a negative sort, and only preparatory to the baptism with the Holy Spirit. In theory Christian baptism is preceded by conversion, that is the human act of turning from sin to God in repentance and faith, and followed by regeneration, that is the divine act of forgiveness of sin and inward cleansing and renewal. Yet in practice the outward sign and inward state and effect do not always coincide; in Simon Magus we have an example of the baptism of water without that of the Spirit, and in Cornelius an example of the communication of the Spirit before the application of the water. In the case of infants, conversion, as a conscious act of the will, is impossible and unnecessary. In adults the solemn ordinance was preceded by the preaching of the gospel, or a brief instruction in its main facts, and then followed by more thorough inculcation of the apostolic doctrine. Later, when great caution became necessary in receiving proselytes, the period of catechetical instruction and probation was considerably lengthened.

  1. The usual Form of baptism was immersion. This is inferred from the original meaning of the Greek βαπτίζειν and βαπτισμός;(38) from the analogy of John’s baptism in the Jordan; from the apostles’ comparison of the sacred rite with the miraculous passage of the Red Sea, with the escape of the ark from the flood, with a cleansing and refreshing bath, and with burial and resurrection; finally, from the general custom of the ancient church which prevails in the East to this day.(39) But sprinkling, also, or copious pouring rather, was practised at an early day with sick and dying persons, and in all such cases where total or partial immersion was impracticable. Some writers suppose that this was the case even in the first baptism of the three thousand on the day of Pentecost; for Jerusalem was poorly supplied with water and private baths; the Kedron is a small creek and dry in summer; but there are a number of pools and cisterns there. Hellenistic usage allows to the relevant expressions sometimes the wider sense of washing, bathing, sprinkling, and ceremonial cleansing.(40) Unquestionably, immersion expresses the idea of baptism, as a purification and renovation of the whole man, more completely than pouring or sprinkling; but it is not in keeping with the genius of the gospel to limit the operation of the Holy Spirit by the quantity or the quality of the water or the mode of its application. Water is absolutely necessary to baptism, as an appropriate symbol of the purifying and regenerating energy of the Holy Spirit; but whether the water be in large quantity or small, cold or warm, fresh or salt, from river, cistern, or spring, is relatively immaterial, and cannot affect the validity of the ordinance.

  2. As to the Subjects of baptism: the apostolic origin of infant baptism is denied not only by the Baptists, but also by many paedobaptist divines. The Baptists assert that infant baptism is contrary to the idea of the sacrament itself, and accordingly, an unscriptural corruption. For baptism, say they, necessarily presupposes the preaching of the gospel on the part of the church, and repentance and faith on the part of the candidate for the ordinance; and as infants can neither understand preaching, nor repent and believe, they are not proper subjects for baptism, which is intended only for adult converts. It is true, the apostolic church was a missionary church, and had first to establish a mother community, in the bosom of which alone the grace of baptism can be improved by a Christian education. So even under the old covenant circumcision was first performed on the adult Abraham; and so all Christian missionaries in heathen lands now begin with preaching, and baptizing adults. True, the New Testament contains no express command to baptize infants; such a command would not agree with the free spirit of the gospel. Nor was there any compulsory or general infant baptism before the union of church and state; Constantine, the first Christian emperor, delayed his baptism till his deathbed (as many now delay their repentance); and even after Constantine there were examples of eminent teachers, as Gregory Nazianzen, Augustin, Chrysostom, who were not baptized before their conversion in early manhood, although they had Christian mothers.

But still less does the New Testament forbid infant baptism; as it might be expected to do in view of the universal custom of the Jews, to admit their children by circumcision on the eighth day after birth into the fellowship of the old covenant.

On the contrary, we have presumptive and positive arguments for the apostolic origin and character of infant baptism, first, in the fact that circumcision as truly prefigured baptism, as the passover the holy Supper; then in the organic relation between Christian parents and children; in the nature of the new covenant, which is even more comprehensive than the old; in the universal virtue of Christ, as the Redeemer of all sexes, classes, and ages, and especially in the import of his own infancy, which has redeemed and sanctified the infantile age; in his express invitation to children, whom he assures of a title to the kingdom of heaven, and whom, therefore, he certainly would not leave without the sign and seal of such membership; in the words, of institution, which plainly look to the Christianizing, not merely of individuals, but of whole nations, including, of course, the children; in the express declaration of Peter at the first administration of the ordinance, that this promise of forgiveness of sins and of the Holy Spirit was to the Jews "and to their children;" in the five instances in the New Testament of the baptism of whole families, where the presence of children in most of the cases is far more probable than the absence of children in all; and finally, in the universal practice of the early church, against which the isolated protest of Tertullian proves no more, than his other eccentricities and Montanistic peculiarities; on the contrary, his violent protest implies the prevailing practice of infant baptism. He advised delay of baptism as a measure of prudence, lest the baptized by sinning again might forever forfeit the benefit of this ordinance; but he nowhere denies the apostolic origin or right of early baptism.

We must add, however, that infant baptism is unmeaning, and its practice a profanation, except on the condition of Christian parentage or guardianship, and under the guarantee of a Christian education. And it needs to be completed by an act of personal consecration, in which the child, after due instruction in the gospel, intelligently and freely confesses Christ, devotes himself to his service, and is thereupon solemnly admitted to the full communion of the church and to the sacrament of the holy Supper. The earliest traces of confirmation are supposed to be found in the apostolic practice of laying on hands, or symbolically imparting the Holy Spirit. after baptism.(41)

§ 55. The Lord’s Supper.

The commentaries on Matt. 26:26 sqq., and the parallel passages in Mark and Luke; 1 Cor. 10:16, 17; 11:23 sqq.; John 6:47–58, 63.

D. Waterland (Episcopal., d. 1740): A Review of the Doctrine of the Eucharist, a new edition, 1868 (Works, vols. IV. and V.).

J. Döllinger: Die Lehre von der Eucharistie in den drei ersten Jahrhunderten. Mainz, 1826. (Rom. Cath.)

Ebrard: Das Dogma vom heil. Abendmahl u. seine Geschichte. Frankf. a. M., 1845, 2 vols., vol. I., pp. 1–231. (Reformed.)

J. W. Nevin: The Mystical Presence. A Vindication of the Reformed or Calvinistic soctrine of the Holy Eucharist. Philadelphia, 1846, pp. 199–256. (Reformed.)

Kahnis: Die Lehre vom heil. Abendmahl. Leipz., 1851. (Lutheran.)

Robert Wilberforce: The Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist. London, 1853. (Anglican, or rather Tractarian or Romanizing.)

L. Imm. Ruckert: Das Abendmahl. Sein Wesen und seine Geschichte in der alten Kirche. Leipz., 1856. (Rationalistic.)

E. B. Pusey: The Doctrine of the Real Presence, as contained in the Fathers, from St. John to the Fourth General Council. Oxford, 1855. (Anglo-Catholic.)

Philip Freeman: The Principles of Divine Service. London, 1855–1862, in two parts. (Anglican, contains much historical investigation on the subject of eucharistic worship in the ancient Catholic church.)

Thos. S. L. Vogan: The True Doctrine of the Eucharist. London, 1871.

John Harrison: An Answer to Dr. Pusey’s Challenge respecting the Doctrine of the Real Presence. London, 1871, 2 vols. (Anglican, Low Church. Includes the doctrine of the Scripture and the first eight centuries.)

Dean Stanley: Christian Institutions, London and New York, 1881, chs. IV., V., and VI. (He adopts the Zwinglian view, and says of the Marburg Conference of 1529: "Everything which could be said on behalf of the dogmatic, coarse, literal interpretation of the institution was urged with the utmost vigor of word and gesture by the stubborn Saxon. Everything which could be said on behalf of the rational, refined, spiritual construction was urged with a union of the utmost acuteness and gentleness by the sober-minded Swiss.")

L. Gude (Danish Lutheran): Den hellige Nadvere. Copenhagen, 1887, 2 vols. Exegetical and historical. Reviewed in Luthardt’s "Theol. Literaturblatt.," 1889, Nos. 14 sqq.

The sacrament of the holy Supper was instituted by Christ under the most solemn circumstances, when he was about to offer himself a sacrifice for the salvation of the world. It is the feast of the thankful remembrance and appropriation of his atoning death, and of the living union of believers with him, and their communion among themselves. As the Passover kept in lively remembrance the miraculous deliverance from the land of bondage, and at the same time pointed forward to the Lamb of God; so the eucharist represents, seals, and applies the now accomplished redemption from sin and death until the end of time. Here the deepest mystery of Christianity is embodied ever anew, and the story of the cross reproduced before us. Here the miraculous feeding of the five thousand is spiritually perpetuated. Here Christ, who sits at the right hand of God, and is yet truly present in his church to the end of the world, gives his own body and blood, sacrificed for us, that is, his very self, his life and the virtue of his atoning death, as spiritual food, as the true bread from heaven, to all who, with due self-examination, come hungering and thirsting to the heavenly feast. The communion has therefore been always regarded as the inmost sanctuary of Christian worship.

In the apostolic period the eucharist was celebrated daily in connection with a simple meal of brotherly love (agape), in which the Christians, in communion with their common Redeemer, forgot all distinctions of rank, wealth, and culture, and felt themselves to be members of one family of God. But this childlike exhibition of brotherly unity became more and more difficult as the church increased, and led to all sorts of abuses, such as we find rebuked in the Corinthians by Paul. The lovefeasts, therefore, which indeed were no more enjoined by law than the community of goods at Jerusalem, were gradually severed from the eucharist, and in the course of the second and third centuries gradually disappeared.

The apostle requires the Christians(42) to prepare themselves for the Lord’s Supper by self-examination, or earnest inquiry whether they have repentance and faith, without which they cannot receive the blessing from the sacrament, but rather provoke judgment from God. This caution gave rise to the appropriate custom of holding special preparatory exercises for the holy communion.

In the course of time this holy feast of love has become the subject of bitter controversy, like the sacrament of baptism and even the Person of Christ himself. Three conflicting theories—transubstantiation, consubstantiation, and spiritual presence of Christ-have been deduced from as many interpretations of the simple words of institution ("This is my body," etc.), which could hardly have been misunderstood by the apostles in the personal presence of their Lord, and in remembrance of his warning against carnal misconception of his discourse on the eating of his flesh.(43) The eucharistic controversies in the middle ages and during the sixteenth century are among the most unedifying and barren in the history of Christianity. And yet they cannot have been in vain. The different theories represent elements of truth which have become obscured or perverted by scholastic subtleties, but may be purified and combined. The Lord’s Supper is: (1) a commemorative ordinance, a memorial of Christ’s atoning sacrifice on the cross; (2) a feast of living union of believers with the Saviour, whereby they truly, that is spiritually and by faith, receive Christ, with all his benefits, and are nourished with his life unto life eternal; (3) a communion of believers with one another as members of the same mystical body of Christ; (4) a eucharist or thankoffering of our persons and services to Christ, who died for us that we might live for him.

Fortunately, the blessing of the holy communion does not depend upon the scholastic interpretation and understanding of the words of institution, but upon the promise of the Lord and upon childlike faith in him. And therefore, even now, Christians of different denominations and holding different opinions can unite around the table of their common Lord and Saviour, and feel one with him and in him.

§ 56. Sacred Places.

Although, as the omnipresent Spirit, God may be worshipped in all places of the universe, which is his temple,(44) yet our finite, sensuous nature, and the need of united devotion, require special localities or sanctuaries consecrated to his worship. The first Christians, after the example of the Lord, frequented the temple at Jerusalem and the synagogues, so long as their relation to the Mosaic economy allowed. But besides this, they assembled also from the first in private houses, especially for the communion and the love feast. The church itself was founded, on the day of Pentecost, in the upper room of an humble dwelling.

The prominent members and first converts, as Mary, the mother of John Mark in Jerusalem, Cornelius in Caesarea, Lydia in Philippi, Jason in Thessalonica, Justus in Corinth, Priscilla in Ephesus, Philemon in Colosse, gladly opened their houses for social worship. In larger cities, as in Rome, the Christian community divided itself into several such assemblies at private houses,(45) which, however, are always addressed in the epistles as a unit.

That the Christians in the apostolic age erected special houses of worship is out of the question, even on account of their persecution by Jews and Gentiles, to say nothing of their general poverty; and the transition of a whole synagogue to the new faith was no doubt very rare. As the Saviour of the world was born in a stable, and ascended to heaven from a mountain, so his apostles and their successors down to the third century, preached in the streets, the markets, on mountains, in ships, sepulchres, eaves, and deserts, and in the homes of their converts. But how many thousands of costly churches and chapels have since been built and are constantly being built in all parts of the world to the honor of the crucified Redeemer, who in the days of his humiliation had no place of his own to rest his head!(46)

§ 57. Sacred Times—The Lord’s Day.

Literature.

George Holden: The Christian Sabbath. London, 1825. (See ch. V.)

W. Henstenberg: The Lord’s Day. Transl. from the German by James Martin, London, 1853. (Purely exegetical; defends the continental view, but advocates a better practical observance.)

John T. Baylee: History of the Sabbath. London, 1857. (See chs. X. XIII.)

James Aug. Hessey: Sunday: Its Origin, History, and Present Obligation. Bampton Lectures, preached before the University of Oxford, London, 1860. (Defends the Dominican and moderate Anglican, as distinct both from the Continental latitudinarian, and from the Puritanic Sabbatarian, view of Sunday, with proofs from the church fathers.)

James Gilfillan: The Sabbath viewed in the Light of Reason, Revelation, and History, with Sketches of its Literature. Edinb. 1861, republished and widely circulated by the Am. Tract Society and the "New York Sabbath Committee," New York, 1862. (The fullest and ablest defence of the Puritan and Scotch Presbyterian theory of the Christian Sabbath, especially in its practical aspects.)

Robert Cox (F.S.A.): Sabbath Laws and Sabbath Duties. Edinb. 1853. By the same: The Literature of the Sabbath Question. Edinb. 1865, 2 vols. (Historical, literary, and liberal.)

Th. Zahn: Geschichte des Sonntags in der alten Kirche. Hannover, 1878.

There is a very large Sabbath literature in the English language, of a popular and practical character. For the Anglo-American theory and history of the Christian Sabbath, compare the author’s essay, The Anglo-American Sabbath, New York, 1863 (in English and German), the publications of the New York Sabbath Committee from 1857–1886, the Sabbath Essays, ed. by Will. C. Wood, Boston (Congreg. Publ. Soc.), 1879; and A. E. Waffle: The Lord’s Day, Philad. 1886.

As every place, so is every day and hour alike sacred to God, who fills all space and all time, and can be worshipped everywhere and always. But, from the necessary limitations of our earthly life, as well as from the nature of social and public worship, springs the use of sacred seasons. The apostolic church followed in general the Jewish usage, but purged it from superstition and filled it with the spirit of faith and freedom.

  1. Accordingly, the Jewish Hours of daily prayer, particularly in the morning and evening, were observed as a matter of habit, besides the strictly private devotions which are bound to no time.

  2. The Lord’s Day took the place of the Jewish Sabbath as the weekly day of public worship. The substance remained, the form was changed. The institution of a periodical weekly day of rest for the body and the soul is rooted in our physical and moral nature, and is as old as man, dating, like marriage, from paradise.(47) This is implied in the profound saying of our Lord: "The Sabbath is made for man."

It is incorporated in the Decalogue, the moral law, which Christ did not come to destroy, but to fulfil, and which cannot be robbed of one commandment without injury to all the rest.

At the same time the Jewish Sabbath was hedged around by many national and ceremonial restrictions, which were not intended to be permanent, but were gradually made so prominent as to overshadow its great moral aim, and to make man subservient to the sabbath instead of the sabbath to man. After the exile and in the hands of the Pharisees it became a legal bondage rather than a privilege and benediction. Christ as the Lord of the Sabbath opposed this mechanical ceremonialism and restored the true spirit and benevolent aim of the institution.(48) When the slavish, superstitious, and self-righteous sabbatarianism of the Pharisees crept into the Galatian churches and was made a condition of justification, Paul rebuked it as a relapse into Judaism.(49)

The day was transferred from the seventh to the first day of the week, not on the ground of a particular command, but by the free spirit of the gospel and by the power of certain great facts which he at the foundation of the Christian church. It was on that day that Christ rose from the dead; that he appeared to Mary, the disciples of Emmaus, and the assembled apostles; that he poured out his Spirit and founded the church;(50) and that he revealed to his beloved disciple the mysteries of the future. Hence, the first day was already in the apostolic age honorably designated as "the Lord’s Day." On that day Paul met with the disciples at Troas and preached till midnight. On that day he ordered the Galatian and Corinthian Christians to make, no doubt in connection with divine service, their weekly contributions to charitable objects according to their ability. It appears, therefore, from the New Testament itself, that Sunday was observed as a day of worship, and in special commemoration of the Resurrection, whereby the work of redemption was finished.(51)

The universal and uncontradicted Sunday observance in the second century can only be explained by the fact that it had its roots in apostolic practice. Such observance is the more to be appreciated as it had no support in civil legislation before the age of Constantine, and must have been connected with many inconveniences, considering the lowly social condition of the majority of Christians and their dependence upon their heathen masters and employers. Sunday thus became, by an easy and natural transformation, the Christian Sabbath or weekly day of rest, at once answering the typical import of the Jewish Sabbath, and itself forming in turn a type of the eternal rest of the people of God in the heavenly Canaan.(52) In the gospel dispensation the Sabbath is not a degradation, but an elevation, of the week days to a higher plane, looking to the consecration of all time and all work. It is not a legal ceremonial bondage, but rather a precious gift of grace, a privilege, a holy rest in God in the midst of the unrest of the world, a day of spiritual refreshing in communion with God and in the fellowship of the saints, a foretaste and pledge of the never-ending Sabbath in heaven.

The due observance of it, in which the churches of England, Scotland, and America, to their incalculable advantage, excel the churches of the European continent, is a wholesome school of discipline, a means of grace for the people, a safeguard of public morality and religion, a bulwark against infidelity, and a source of immeasurable blessing to the church, the state, and the family. Next to the Church and the Bible, the Lord’s Day is the chief pillar of Christian society.

Besides the Christian Sunday, the Jewish Christians observed their ancient Sabbath also, till Jerusalem was destroyed. After that event, the Jewish habit continued only among the Ebionites and Nazarenes.

As Sunday was devoted to the commemoration of the Saviour’s resurrection, and observed as a day of thanksgiving and joy, so, at least as early as the second century, if not sooner, Friday came to be observed as a day of repentance, with prayer and fasting, in commemoration of the sufferings and death of Christ.

  1. Annual festivals. There is no injunction for their observance, direct or indirect, in the apostolic writings, as there is no basis for them in the Decalogue. But Christ observed them, and two of the festivals, the Passover and Pentecost, admitted of an easy transformation similar to that of the Jewish into the Christian Sabbath. From some hints in the Epistles,(53) viewed in the light of the universal and uncontradicted practice of the church in the second century it may be inferred that the annual celebration of the death and the resurrection of Christ, and of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit, originated in the apostolic age. In truth, Christ crucified, risen, and living in the church, was the one absorbing thought of the early Christians; and as this thought expressed itself in the weekly observance of Sunday, so it would also very naturally transform the two great typical feasts of the Old Testament into the Christian Easter and Whit-Sunday. The Paschal controversies of the second century related not to the fact, but to the time of the Easter festival, and Polycarp of Smyrna and Anicet of Rome traced their customs to an unimportant difference in the practice of the apostles themselves.

Of other annual festivals, the New Testament contains not the faintest trace. Christmas came in during the fourth century by a natural development of the idea of a church year, as a sort of chronological creed of the people. The festivals of Mary, the Apostles, Saints, and Martyrs, followed gradually, as the worship of saints spread in the Nicene and post-Nicene age, until almost every day was turned first into a holy day and then into a holiday. As the saints overshadowed the Lord, the saints’ days overshadowed the Lord’s Day.

Original Footnotes

(1; original 641): The Jewish tradition traces it back to the schools of the prophets, and even to patriarchal times, by far-fetched interpretations of Gen. 25:27 Judg. 5:9; Isa. 1:13, etc.

(2; original 642): Comp. § 17, p. 152.

(3; original 643): *"**Bei dem Untergang aller Institutionen,"says Dr. Zunz (l.c. p. 1), " blieb die Synagoge als einziger Träger ihrer Nationalität; dorthin floh ihr Glauben und von dorther empfingen sie Belehrug für ihren irdischen Wandel, Kraft zur Ausdauer in unerhörten Leiden und Hoffnung auf eine künftige Morgenröthe der Freiheit. Der öffentliche Gottesdienst der Synagoge ward das Panier jüdischer Nationalität, die Aegide des jüdischen Glaubens."*

(4; original 644): συναγωγή, often in the Septuagint (130 times as translation of hd[e , 25 times for lh;q;); in the Greek Test. (Matt. 4:23; Mark 1:21; Luke 4:15; 12:11; Acts 9:2; 13:43, etc.; of a Christian congregation, James 2:2); also in Philo and Josephus; sometimes συναγώγιον (Philo), σαββατεῖον (Josephus), προσευκτήριον (Philo), προσευχή house of prayer, oratory (Acts 16:13 and Josephus); also ἐκκλησία. Hebrew designations: hd;][e‚ lh;q;‚ rWBxI‚ rb,j,‚ dl'w" tyBe‚ tL;pIT] tBe ‚ ts,n,K]h' tyBe .

(5; original 645): Acts 15:21.

(6; original 646): Luke 7:5.

(7; original 647): Acts 6:9. The number of synagogues in Jerusalem is variously stated from 394 to 480.

(8; original 648): Matt. 23:6; comp. James 2:2, 3. In the synagogue of Alexandria there were seventy-one golden chairs, according to the number of members of the Sanhedrin. The πρωτοκαθεδρίαι were near the ark, the place of honor.

(9; original 649): Ruins of eleven or more ancient synagogues still exist in Palestine (all in Galilee) at Tell-Hum (Capernaum), Kerazeh (Chorazin), Meiron, Irbid (Arbela), Kasyun, Umm el-’Amud, Nebratein, two at Kefr-Birim, two at el-Jish (Giscala). See Palest. Explor. Quart. Statement for July, 1878.

(10; original 650): The ἀρχισυνάγωγος(ts,n<<,K]h' val), Luke 8:49; 13:14; Mark 5:36, 33; Acts 18:8, 17; or ἀρχων τῆς συναγωγῆς,Luke 8:41; or ἄρχων, Matt. 9:18. He was simply primus inter pares; hence, several ἀρχισυνάγωγοι appear in one and the same synagogue, Luke 13:14; Mark 5:22; Acts 13:15; 18:17. In smaller towns there was but one.

(11; original 651): πρεσβύτεροι (!ynIqez]).

(12; original 652): After the Babylonian captivity an interpreter (Methurgeman) was usually employed to translate the Hebrew lesson into the Chaldee or Greek, or other vernacular languages.

(13; original 653): ἀπόστολοι, ἄγγελοι (rWBxi h'ylivi ). Not to be confounded with the angels in the Apocalypse.

(14; original 654): ὑπηρέτης (wZj'), Luke 4:20

(15; original 655): Matt. 10:17; 23:34; Luke 12:11; 21:12; John 9:34; 16:2; Acts 22:19; 26:11. The Chazzan had to administer the corporal punishment.

(16; original 656): 1 Cor. 14:16. The responsive element is the popular feature in a liturgy, and has been wisely preserved in the Anglican Church.

(17; original 657): The Thorah was divided into 154 sections, and read through in three years, afterwards in 54 sections for one year.

(18; original 658): The ἀναγνωσις τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν προφητῶν, Acts 13:15.

(19; original 659): Luke 4:17-20; 13:54; John 18:20; Acts 13:5, 15, 44; 14:1; 17:2-4, 10, 17; 18:4, 26; 19:8. Paul and Barnabas were requested by the rulers of the synagogue at Antioch in Pisidia to speak after the reading of the law and the prophets (Acts 13:15).

(20; original 660): Comp. Ps. 55:18; Dan. 7:11; Acts 2:15; 3:1; 10:30. These hours of devotion are respectively called Shacharith, Minchah, and’Arabith.

(21; original 661): Comp. John 2:19; 4:23, 24.

(22; original 662): The Parashioth and Haphtaroth, as they were called.

(23; original 663): Comp. Acts 13:15; 15:21.

(24; original 664): 1 Thess. 5:27; Col. 4:16.

(25; original 665): Comp. Matt. 9:15; Acts 13:3; 14:23; 1 Cor. 7:5.

(26; original 666): Matt. 6:9;Luke 11:1, 2. The Didache, ch. 8, gives the Lord’s Prayer from Matthew, with a brief doxology (comp. 1 Cor. 29:11), and the direction to pray it three times a day. See Schaff on the Did., p. 188 sq.

(27; original 667): Didache chs. 8 –10; Clement, Ad Cor., chs. 59 –61. See vol. II. 226.

(28; original 668): Comp. Matt. 26:30; Mark 14: 26.

(29; original 669): Eph. 5:19; Col. 3:16.

(30; original 670): The "Gloria," Luke 2:14.

(31; original 671): Luke 2:29.

(32; original 672): Luke 1:46 sqq.

(33; original 673): Luke 1:68 sqq.

(34; original 674): Acts 4:24-30. Comp. Ps. 2.

(35; original 675): Eph. 5:14; 1 Tim. 3:16; 2 Tim. 2:11-13; 1 Pet. 3:10-12. The quotation is introduced by διὸ λέγει and πιστὸς ὁ λόγος . The rhythmical arrangement and adjustment in these passages, especially the first two, is obvious, and Westcott and Hort have marked it in their Greek Testament as follows:

Ἔγειρε, ὁ καθεύδων,

καὶ ἀνάστα ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν,

καὶ ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ χριστός

—Eph. 5:14.

Ὃς ἐφανερώθη ἐν σαρκί,

ἐδικαιώθη ἐν πνεύματι,

ὤφθη ἀγγέλοις,

ἐκηρύχθη ἐν ἕθνεσιν,

ἐπιστεύθη ἐν κόσμῳ,

ἀνελημφθη ἐν δόξῃ.

—1 Tim. 3:16.

The last passage is undoubtedly a quotation. The received reading, θεός , is justly rejected by critical editors and exchanged for ὅς, which refers to God or Christ. Some manuscripts read the neuter ὅ which would refer to μυστήριον 1 Pet. 3:10-12, which reads like a psalm, is likewise metrically arranged by Westcott and Hort. James 1:17, though probably not a quotation, is a complete hexameter:

πᾶσα δόσις ἀγαθὴ καὶ πᾶν δώρημα τελεῖον.

Liddon (Lectures on the Divinity of Christ, p. 328) adds to the hymnological fragments the passage Tit. 3:4-7, as "a hymn on the way of salvation," and several other passages which seem to me doubtful.

(36; original 676): Apoc. 1:5-8; 3:7, 14; 5:9, 12, 13; 11:15, 17, 19; 15:4; 19:6-8, and other passages. They lack the Hebrew parallelism, but are nevertheless poetical, and are printed in uncial type by Westcott and Hort.

(37; original 677): Mark 1:4 (βάπτισμα μετανοίας εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν, said of John’s baptism), 1:8, where John distinguishes his baptism, as a baptism by water (ὒδατι), from the baptism of Christ, as a baptism by the Holy Spirit (πνεύματι ἁγίῳ); Matt. 3:1; Luke 3:16; John 1:33 (ὁ βαπτίζων ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ); Acts 2:38 (the first instance of Christian baptism, when Peter called on his hearers: Μετανοήσατε, καὶ βαπτισθήτω ἒκαστος ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χρ. εἰς ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν, καὶ λήμψεσθε τὴν δωρεὰν τους ἁγίου πνεύματος); 8:13; 11:16; 18:8 (ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο); Rom. 6:4 (βάπτισμα εἰς τὸν θάνατον); Gal. 3:27 (εἰς Χριστὸν ἐβαπτίσθητε). The μετάνοια was the connecting link between the baptism of John and that of Christ. The English rendering, "repentance" (retained in the Revision of 1881), is inaccurate (after the Latin paenitentia). The Greek means a change of mind, νοῦς (a transmentation, as Coleridge proposed to call it), i.e., an entire reformation and transformation of the inner life of man, with a corresponding outward change. It was the burden of the preaching of John the Baptist, and Christ himself, who began with the enlarged exhortation: Μετανοεῖτε καὶ πιστεύετε ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ, Mark 1:15.

(38; original 678): Comp. the German taufen, the English dip. Grimm defines βαπτίζω (the frequentative of βάπτω): ’immergo, submergo;’Liddell and Scott: ’to dip in or under the water.’But in the Sept. and the New Test. it has also a wider meaning. Hence Robinson defines it: ’to wash, to lave, to cleanse by washing.’See below.

(39; original 679): The Oriental and the orthodox Russian churches require even a threefold immersion, in the name of the Trinity, and deny the validity of any other. They look down upon the Pope of Rome as an unbaptized heretic, and would not recognize the single immersion of the Baptists. The Longer Russian Catechism thus defines baptism: "A sacrament in which a man who believes, having his body thrice plunged in water in the name of God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, dies to the carnal life of sin, and is born again of the Holy Ghost to a life spiritual and holy." Marriott (in Smith and Cheetham, I., 161) says: "Triple immersion, that is thrice dipping the head while standing in the water, was the all but universal rule of the church in early time," and quotes in proof Tertullian, Cyril of Jerusalem, Chrysostom, Jerome, Leo I., etc. But he admits, on page 168 sq., that affusion and aspersion were exceptionally also used, especially in clinical baptism, the validity of which Cyprian defended (Ep. 76 or 69 ad Magnum). This mode is already mentioned in the Didache (ch. 7) as valid; see my book on the Did., third ed., 1889, pp. 29 sqq.

(40; original 680): 2 Kings 5:14 (Sept.); Luke 11:38; Mark 7:4 (βαπτισμοὺς ποτηρίων, etc.); Heb. 6:2 (βαπτισμῶν διδαχή); 9:10 (διαφόροις βαπτισμοῖς). Observe also the remarkable variation of reading in Matt. 7:4: ἐὰν μὴ βαπτίσωνται (except they bathe themselves), and ῥαντίσωνται (sprinkle themselves). Westcott and Hort adopt the latter in the text, the former in the margin. The Revision of 1881 reverses the order. The ’divers baptisms’ in Heb. 9:10 (in the Revision " washings") probably include all the ceremonial purifications of the Jews, whether by bathing (Lev. 11:25; 14:9; Num. 19:7), or washing (Num. 19:7; Mark 7: 8), or sprinkling (Lev. 14:7; Num. 19:19). In the figurative phrase βαπτίζειν ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ, to overwhelm, plentifully to endow with the Holy Spirit (Matt. 3:11; Luke 3:16; Mark 1:8; John 1: 3; Acts 1:5; 11:16), the idea of immersion is scarcely admissible since the Holy Spirit is poured out. See my Hist. of the Apost. Ch., p. 569.

(41; original 681): Acts 8:15; 19:6; Heb. 6:2.

(42; original 682): 1 Cor. 11:28.

(43; original 683): John 6:63: "It is the spirit that quickeneth; the flesh profiteth nothing, the words that I have spoken unto you are spirit, and are life." This passage furnishes the key for the understanding of the previous discourse, whether it refers to the Lord’s Supper, directly or indirectly, or not at all. That the ἐστί in the words of institution may indicate a figurative or symbolical (as well as a real) relation, is now admitted by all critical exegetes; that it must be so understood in that connection is admitted by those who are not under the control of a doctrinal bias. See my annotations to Lange’s Com. on Matthew, 26:26, pp. 470 sqq.

(44; original 684): Comp. John 4:24.

(45; original 685): ἐκκλησίαι κατ̓ οἷκον, Rom. 16:5; 1 Cor. 16:19.

(46; original 686): Luke 9:58.

(47; original 687): Gen. 2:3. This passage is sometimes explained in a proleptic sense; but religious rest-days, dies feriati, are found among most ancient nations, and recent Assyrian and Babylonian discoveries confirm the pre-Mosaic origin of the weekly Sabbath. See Sayce’s revision of George Smith’s Chaldean Account of Genesis, Lond. and N. York, 1881, p. 89: "If references to the Fall are few and obscure, there can be no doubt that the Sabbath was an Accadian [primitive Chaldaean] institution, intimately connected with the worship of the seven planets. The astronomical tablets have shown that the seven-day week was of Accadian origin, each day of it being dedicated to the sun, moon, and five planets, and the word Sabbath itself, under the form of Sabattu, was known to the Assyrians, and explained by them as ’a day of rest for the heart.’A calendar of Saints’ days for the month of the intercalary Elul makes the 7th, 14th, 19th, 2lst, and 28th days of the lunar months, Sabbaths on which no work was allowed to be done. The Accadian words by which the idea of Sabbath is denoted, literally mean: ’a day on which work is unlawful,’and are interpreted in the bilingual tablets as signifying ’a day of peace or completion of labors.’" Smith then gives the rigid injunctions which the calendar lays down to the king for each of these sabbaths. Comp. also Transactions of Soc. for Bibl. Archaeol., vol. V., 427.

(48; original 688): Matt. 12:1 sqq., 10 sqq., and the parallel passages in Mark and Luke; also John 5:8 sqq.; 6:23; 9:14, 16.

(49; original 689): Gal. 4:10; Comp. Rom. 14:5; Col. 2:16. The spirit of the pharisaical sabbatarianism with which Christ and St, Paul had to deal may be inferred from the fact that even Gamaliel, Paul’s teacher, and one of the wisest and most liberal Rabbis, let his ass die on the Sabbath because he thought it a sin to unload him; and this was praised as an act of piety. Other Rabbis prohibited the saving of an ass from a ditch on the Sabbath, but allowed a plank to be laid so as to give the beast a chance to save himself. One great controversy between the schools of Shammai and Hillel turned around the mighty question whether it was lawful to eat an egg which was laid on the Sabbath day, and the wise Hillel denied it! Then it would be still more sinful to eat a chicken that had the misfortune to be born, or to be killed, on a Sabbath.

(50; original 690): The day of Pentecost (whether Saturday or Sunday) is disputed, but the church always celebrated it on a Sunday. See § 24, p. 241.

(51; original 691): John 20:19, 26; Acts 20:7; 1 Cor. 16:2; Rev. 1:10.

(52; original 692): Comp. Heb. 4:1-11; Rev. 4:18.

(53; original 693): 1 Cor. 5:7, 8; 16:8; Acts 18:21; 20:6, 16.

脚注


  1. 犹太传统借着牵强解释《创世记》25:27、《士师记》5:9、《以赛亚书》1:13等经文,将其起源追溯至先知学校,甚至族长时代。↩︎

  2. 参第17节,第152页。↩︎

  3. 聪茨博士 (Dr. Zunz) 说(前引书,第1页):“Bei dem Untergang aller Institutionen, blieb die Synagoge als einziger Träger ihrer Nationalität; dorthin floh ihr Glauben und von dorther empfingen sie Belehrug für ihren irdischen Wandel, Kraft zur Ausdauer in unerhörten Leiden und Hoffnung auf eine künftige Morgenröthe der Freiheit. Der öffentliche Gottesdienst der Synagoge ward das Panier jüdischer Nationalität, die Aegide des jüdischen Glaubens.”(“当一切制度都崩溃时,会堂仍是他们民族性的唯一承载者;他们的信仰逃往那里,他们从那里领受尘世生活的教导、忍受空前苦难的力量,以及对未来自由曙光的盼望。会堂的公共敬拜成为犹太民族性的旗帜、犹太信仰的护盾。”)↩︎

  4. συναγωγή,常见于《七十士译本》(130次用以翻译 hd[e,25次用以翻译 lh;q;);亦见于希腊文新约(《马太福音》4:23;《马可福音》1:21;《路加福音》4:15;12:11;《使徒行传》9:2;13:43等;《雅各书》2:2用以指基督徒的聚会);也见于斐洛 (Philo) 和约瑟夫斯 (Josephus) 的著作。有时称 συναγώγιον(斐洛)、σαββατεῖον(约瑟夫斯)、προσευκτήριον(斐洛)、προσευχή,即祷告所、祈祷室(《使徒行传》16:13及约瑟夫斯);也称 ἐκκλησία。希伯来文名称有:hd;][e‚ lh;q;‚ rWBxI‚ rb,j,‚ dl'w" tyBe‚ tL;pIT] tBe ‚ ts,n,K]h' tyBe。↩︎

  5. 《使徒行传》15:21。↩︎

  6. 《路加福音》7:5。↩︎

  7. 《使徒行传》6:9。关于耶路撒冷会堂的数目,说法不一,从394所到480所不等。↩︎

  8. 《马太福音》23:6;参《雅各书》2:2、3。亚历山大 (Alexandria) 的会堂内有七十一把金椅,与公会成员的人数相应。πρωτοκαθεδρίαι 靠近经柜,是尊贵的座位。↩︎

  9. 巴勒斯坦 (Palestine) 至今尚存十一所或更多古代会堂的遗址(全在加利利),分别位于泰勒胡姆 (Tell-Hum,即迦百农 Capernaum)、克拉泽 (Kerazeh,即哥拉汛 Chorazin)、梅龙 (Meiron)、伊尔比德 (Irbid,即阿尔贝拉 Arbela)、卡西云 (Kasyun)、乌姆阿穆德 (Umm el-’Amud)、内布拉廷 (Nebratein),以及凯弗尔比里姆 (Kefr-Birim) 的两所、吉什 (el-Jish,即吉斯卡拉 Giscala) 的两所。见1878年7月《巴勒斯坦勘探季度报告》(Palest. Explor. Quart. Statement)。↩︎

  10. 管会堂者,称 ἀρχισυνάγωγος (ts,n<<,K]h' val),见《路加福音》8:49;13:14;《马可福音》5:36、33;《使徒行传》18:8、17;或称 ἀρχων τῆς συναγωγῆς,见《路加福音》8:41;或称 ἄρχων,见《马太福音》9:18。他只是 primus inter pares(同侪中的首席);所以同一会堂中会有几位 ἀρχισυνάγωγοι,见《路加福音》13:14;《马可福音》5:22;《使徒行传》13:15;18:17。在较小的城镇中,则只有一位。↩︎

  11. πρεσβύτεροι (!ynIqez]).↩︎

  12. 巴比伦之囚以后,通常聘有一位译员(Methurgeman),将所读的希伯来文经课译成迦勒底语、希腊语或其他地方语言。↩︎

  13. ἀπόστολοι, ἄγγελοι (rWBxi h'ylivi )。不可与《启示录》中的天使混淆。↩︎

  14. ὑπηρέτης (wZj'),《路加福音》4:20。↩︎

  15. 《马太福音》10:17;23:34;《路加福音》12:11;21:12;《约翰福音》9:34;16:2;《使徒行传》22:19;26:11。会堂役员 (Chazzan) 须负责执行体罚。↩︎

  16. 《哥林多前书》14:16。应答是礼仪中具有民众参与性质的成分,圣公会 (Anglican Church) 明智地保留了这一成分。↩︎

  17. 妥拉 (Thorah) 原分为154段,三年读完,后来分为54段,一年读完。↩︎

  18. 即 ἀναγνωσις τοῦ νόμου καὶ τῶν προφητῶν(诵读律法和先知书),《使徒行传》13:15。↩︎

  19. 《路加福音》4:17-20;13:54;《约翰福音》18:20;《使徒行传》13:5、15、44;14:1;17:2-4、10、17;18:4、26;19:8。在彼西底的安提阿 (Antioch in Pisidia),管会堂的人请保罗和巴拿巴在读完律法和先知书后讲话(《使徒行传》13:15)。↩︎

  20. 参《诗篇》55:18;《但以理书》7:11;《使徒行传》2:15;3:1;10:30。这些祈祷时辰分别称为 Shacharith、Minchah 和 ’Arabith。↩︎

  21. 参《约翰福音》2:19;4:23、24。↩︎

  22. 即所谓帕拉希奥特 (Parashioth) 和哈夫塔罗特 (Haphtaroth)。↩︎

  23. 参《使徒行传》13:15;15:21。↩︎

  24. 《帖撒罗尼迦前书》5:27;《歌罗西书》4:16。↩︎

  25. 参《马太福音》9:15;《使徒行传》13:3;14:23;《哥林多前书》7:5。↩︎

  26. 《马太福音》6:9;《路加福音》11:1、2。《十二使徒遗训》(Didache) 第8章载有取自《马太福音》的主祷文,附有简短的颂荣(参《哥林多前书》29:11),并指示每日诵祷三次。见沙弗 (Schaff) 论《十二使徒遗训》之著作(Did.),第188页及下页。↩︎

  27. 《十二使徒遗训》(Didache) 第8—10章;革利免 (Clement),《致哥林多人书》(Ad Cor.),第59—61章。见第II卷,第226页。↩︎

  28. 参《马太福音》26:30;《马可福音》14:26。↩︎

  29. 《以弗所书》5:19;《歌罗西书》3:16。↩︎

  30. “荣耀颂”(Gloria),《路加福音》2:14。↩︎

  31. 《路加福音》2:29。↩︎

  32. 《路加福音》1:46及后。↩︎

  33. 《路加福音》1:68及后。↩︎

  34. 《使徒行传》4:24-30。参《诗篇》第2篇。↩︎

  35. 《以弗所书》5:14;《提摩太前书》3:16;《提摩太后书》2:11-13;《彼得前书》3:10-12。引文以 διὸ λέγει 和 πιστὸς ὁ λόγος 引入。这些段落,尤其头两处,其节奏的安排与调配十分明显;韦斯科特 (Westcott) 和霍特 (Hort) 在他们的希腊文新约中将其标示如下:

    Ἔγειρε, ὁ καθεύδων,

    καὶ ἀνάστα ἐκ τῶν νεκρῶν,

    καὶ ἐπιφαύσει σοι ὁ χριστός

    ——《以弗所书》5:14。

    Ὃς ἐφανερώθη ἐν σαρκί,

    ἐδικαιώθη ἐν πνεύματι,

    ὤφθη ἀγγέλοις,

    ἐκηρύχθη ἐν ἕθνεσιν,

    ἐπιστεύθη ἐν κόσμῳ,

    ἀνελημφθη ἐν δόξῃ.

    ——《提摩太前书》3:16。

    后一段无疑是一段引文。公认本文的读法 θεός,已被校勘学编辑恰当地舍弃,改为 ὅς,指上帝或基督。有些抄本作中性形式 ὅ,所指就是 μυστήριον。《彼得前书》3:10-12读来如同一首诗篇,韦斯科特和霍特也将其按韵律排列。《雅各书》1:17虽然可能不是引文,却是一个完整的六音步诗行:

    πᾶσα δόσις ἀγαθὴ καὶ πᾶν δώρημα τελεῖον.

    利登 (Liddon) 在《论基督神性的讲演》(Lectures on the Divinity of Christ) 第328页,将《提多书》3:4-7也列入这些圣诗片段,称其为“一首论救恩之道的赞美诗”,并另外列举了几段,在我看来颇有疑问。↩︎

  36. 《启示录》1:5-8
    ;3:7、14;5:9、12、13;11:15、17、19;15:4
    ;19:6-8,以及其他段落。它们缺少希伯来诗的平行体,却仍有诗的性质;韦斯科特 (Westcott) 和霍特 (Hort) 将其以大写字体排印。↩︎

  37. 《马可福音》1:4(βάπτισμα μετανοίας εἰς ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν,论约翰的洗礼),1:8,约翰在此将自己的洗礼,即用水 (ὒδατι) 的洗礼,与基督的洗礼,即用圣灵 (πνεύματι ἁγίῳ) 的洗礼加以区别;《马太福音》3:1;《路加福音》3:16;《约翰福音》1:33(ὁ βαπτίζων ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ);《使徒行传》2:38(基督徒洗礼的第一个实例,当时彼得呼召听众说:Μετανοήσατε, καὶ βαπτισθήτω ἒκαστος ὑμῶν ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ἰησοῦ Χρ. εἰς ἄφεσιν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν, καὶ λήμψεσθε τὴν δωρεὰν τους ἁγίου πνεύματος);8:13
    ;11:16
    ;18:8(ἐπίστευον καὶ ἐβαπτίζοντο);《罗马书》6:4(βάπτισμα εἰς τὸν θάνατον);《加拉太书》3:27(εἰς Χριστὸν ἐβαπτίσθητε)。μετάνοια 是约翰的洗礼与基督的洗礼之间的联结。英文译作“repentance”(悔改,1881年修订本仍沿用),并不准确(沿袭拉丁文 paenitentia)。希腊文意为心思 νοῦς 的改变(柯勒律治 Coleridge 建议称为 transmentation),即人内在生命的彻底革新与转变,并伴有相应的外在改变。这是施洗约翰和基督自己传道的中心信息;基督开始传道时,将这一劝告加以扩展,说:Μετανοεῖτε καὶ πιστεύετε ἐν τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ(你们当悔改,信福音),《马可福音》1:15。↩︎

  38. 比较德文 taufen、英文 dip。格林 (Grimm) 将 βαπτίζω(βάπτω 的反复动词形式)定义为:‘immergo, submergo’(浸入、没入);利德尔和斯科特 (Liddell and Scott) 的定义是:‘to dip in 或 under the water’(浸入水中或水下)。但在《七十士译本》和新约中,此词也有较广的意义。因此,罗宾逊 (Robinson) 将其定义为:‘to wash, to lave, to cleanse by washing’(洗、沐浴、藉洗涤而洁净)。见下文。↩︎

  39. 东方教会和俄罗斯正教会甚至要求奉三位一体之名施行三次浸水,并否认任何其他方式的效力。他们蔑视罗马教皇,视之为未受洗的异端者,也不承认浸信会 (Baptists) 的一次浸水。《俄罗斯大教理问答》(Longer Russian Catechism) 如此界定洗礼:“这是一项圣礼,信的人奉上帝——父、子、圣灵——之名,将身体三次浸入水中,便向属肉体的罪恶生活死去,由圣灵重生,进入属灵而圣洁的生活。”马里奥特 (Marriott) 在史密斯和奇瑟姆 (Smith and Cheetham) 的著作第I卷第161页说:“三次浸水,即站在水中,将头浸入水中三次,是早期教会几乎普遍通行的规例。”他引德尔图良 (Tertullian)、耶路撒冷的区利罗 (Cyril of Jerusalem)、金口约翰 (Chrysostom)、哲罗姆 (Jerome)、利奥一世 (Leo I.) 等人为证。但他在第168页及下页承认,浇水和洒水也作为例外而使用,尤其在病榻洗礼中;居普良 (Cyprian) 曾为这种洗礼的效力辩护(Ep. 76或69,ad Magnum)。《十二使徒遗训》(Didache) 第7章已提到这种方式,承认其有效;见我论《十二使徒遗训》的著作(Did.),第3版,1889年,第29页及后。↩︎

  40. 《列王纪下》5:14(《七十士译本》);《路加福音》11:38;《马可福音》7:4(βαπτισμοὺς ποτηρίων 等);《希伯来书》6:2(βαπτισμῶν διδαχή);9:10(διαφόροις βαπτισμοῖς)。也请注意《马太福音》7:4中显著的异文:ἐὰν μὴ βαπτίσωνται(若不沐浴自己)与 ῥαντίσωνται(洒水于自己)。韦斯科特 (Westcott) 和霍特 (Hort) 将后者置于正文,前者置于旁注。1881年修订本则将次序颠倒。《希伯来书》9:10中的“各样洗礼”(修订本作“洗濯”),可能包括犹太人一切礼仪上的洁净,无论是沐浴(《利未记》11:25;14:9;《民数记》19:7)、洗涤(《民数记》19:7;《马可福音》7:8),还是洒水(《利未记》14:7;《民数记》19:19)。比喻用语 βαπτίζειν ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ,意为以圣灵充满、丰丰富富地赐下圣灵(《马太福音》3:11;《路加福音》3:16;《马可福音》1:8;《约翰福音》1:3;《使徒行传》1:5;11:16),几乎不容作浸入之解,因为圣灵是被浇灌下来的。见我的《使徒教会史》(Hist. of the Apost. Ch.),第569页。↩︎

  41. 《使徒行传》8:15;19:6;《希伯来书》6:2。↩︎

  42. 《哥林多前书》11:28。↩︎

  43. 《约翰福音》6:63:“叫人活着的乃是灵,肉体是无益的;我对你们所说的话就是灵,就是生命。”无论前面的讲论是直接或间接论及主餐,还是完全没有论及主餐,这段话都提供了理解那篇讲论的钥匙。设立圣餐的话语中,ἐστί 可以表示比喻或象征的关系(也可以表示真实的关系),这一点如今已为所有批判释经家所承认;至于在该上下文中必须如此理解,则为那些不受教义偏见支配的人所承认。见我为兰格 (Lange)《马太福音注释》(Com. on Matthew) 26:26所作的注解,第470页及后。↩︎

  44. 参《约翰福音》4:24。↩︎

  45. ἐκκλησίαι κατ̓ οἷκον,《罗马书》16:5;《哥林多前书》16:19。↩︎

  46. 《路加福音》9:58。↩︎

  47. 《创世记》2:3。这段经文有时被解释为预先叙及后来的制度;但宗教性的休息日,dies feriati,在大多数古代民族中都可以找到,而近来亚述 (Assyrian) 和巴比伦 (Babylonian) 的考古发现,也证实了每周安息日的起源早于摩西。见塞斯 (Sayce) 修订的乔治·史密斯 (George Smith)《迦勒底的创世记记述》(Chaldean Account of Genesis),伦敦和纽约,1881年,第89页:“即使有关堕落的记载稀少而隐晦,安息日是阿卡德人 (Accadian)[原始迦勒底人]的制度,与七颗星体的崇拜密切相关,这一点却无可置疑。天文学泥版已经表明,七日一周的制度起源于阿卡德人,其中每一天分别奉献给太阳、月亮和五颗行星;亚述人也知道安息日这个词,其形式为 Sabattu,并将其解释为‘使心安息的一日’。一份闰以禄月 (Elul) 的圣日日历,将太阴月的第7日、
    第14日、第19日
    、第21日和第28日定为安息日,禁止在这些日子做任何工作。表达安息日观念的阿卡德语词,字面意思是:‘不可工作的一日’,双语泥版则将其解释为‘安宁或劳作完毕的一日’。”史密斯随后列出了这份日历为国王在每个安息日所规定的严厉禁令。另参《圣经考古学会会刊》(Transactions of Soc. for Bibl. Archaeol.),第V卷,第427页。↩︎

  48. 《马太福音》12:1及下文、10及下文,以及《马可福音》和《路加福音》中的平行经文;另见《约翰福音》5:8及下文;6:23
    ;9:14
    、16。↩︎

  49. 《加拉太书》4:10;参《罗马书》14:5;《歌罗西书》2:16。基督和圣保罗所面对的法利赛式安息日主义 (sabbatarianism),其精神可从以下事实推知:就连保罗的老师、最有智慧且最开明的拉比之一迦玛列 (Gamaliel),也因认为卸下驴背上的重担是一种罪,而任凭自己的驴在安息日死去;这竟被称赞为虔诚之举。其他拉比禁止在安息日把驴从沟里救上来,却准许放下一块木板,让这牲畜有机会自救。沙买 (Shammai) 与希列 (Hillel) 两派之间的一场重大争论,围绕着一个重大的问题展开:安息日所下的蛋,是否可以吃?智慧的希列竟说不可以!那么,一只不幸在安息日出生或被宰杀的鸡,吃起来岂不更加有罪了。↩︎

  50. 五旬节究竟是在星期六还是星期日,尚有争议,但教会一向在星期日庆祝。见§ 24,第241页。↩︎

  51. 《约翰福音》20:19、26;《使徒行传》20:7;《哥林多前书》16:2;《启示录》1:10。↩︎

  52. 参《希伯来书》4:1–11;《启示录》4:18。↩︎

  53. 《哥林多前书》5:7、8;16:8;《使徒行传》18:21;20:6、16。↩︎